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“Princeton’s Gift to Turkey”: Exploring the Political Matrix of the Orpheus Mosaic from Jerusalem and Late Ottoman Sardis "普林斯顿送给土耳其的礼物":探索耶路撒冷和奥斯曼帝国晚期撒丁岛奥菲斯马赛克的政治矩阵
IF 0.5 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.4.0419
Christina Luke, Semih Çelik
Whereas it has often been argued that conflict and Western imperial ambitions and ensuing Ottoman defensive policies guided the direction of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century archaeology in Anatolia and the Middle East, here we offer a perspective of high-profile American-Ottoman mutual partage diplomacy. This view stems from the relationship between Princeton University and the Imperial Museum in Constantinople. From a multiscalar approach that includes microlocal and macroimperial histories, we demonstrate how this American alliance trumped Ottoman citizenship and transcended physical and political jurisdictions. “Princeton’s Gift to Turkey”—the excavation, transfer, and installment of the Orpheus mosaic from the northwest corner of the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem to the Imperial Museum—triggered a lasting relationship between Osman Hamdi Bey and Howard Crosby Butler. Underwritten by financial means and technological capacity, this alliance foreshadowed the transformative period at Late Ottoman Sardis.
尽管经常有人认为,冲突、西方帝国主义的野心以及随后的奥斯曼帝国的防御政策指导了19世纪末和20世纪初安纳托利亚和中东考古的方向,但在这里,我们提供了一个引人注目的美国-奥斯曼互惠外交的视角。这种观点源于普林斯顿大学和君士坦丁堡帝国博物馆之间的关系。从包括微观地方和宏观帝国历史在内的多尺度方法,我们展示了这个美国联盟如何胜过奥斯曼公民身份,并超越了物理和政治管辖。“普林斯顿送给土耳其的礼物”——从耶路撒冷大马士革门西北角的俄耳甫斯马赛克的挖掘、转移和安装——引发了奥斯曼·哈姆迪·贝和霍华德·克罗斯比·巴特勒之间持久的关系。在财政手段和技术能力的支持下,这一联盟预示着奥斯曼帝国后期萨迪斯的变革时期。
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引用次数: 0
South by Southeast: The History and Archaeology of Southeast Crete from Myrtos to Kato Zakros 东南偏南:从米尔托斯到卡托扎克罗斯的克里特岛东南部的历史和考古学
IF 0.5 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.4.0468
Dominic Pollard
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引用次数: 0
The Materiality of the Religious Soundscape: Bells and Bell Casting in Lebanon 宗教音景的物质性:黎巴嫩的钟声和铸钟工艺
IF 0.5 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.4.0438
Alex Rodriguez Suarez
This article looks at bells and bell casting in Lebanon from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. The topic, which has not received much scholarly attention, sheds light on a fascinating aspect of the material culture of the Christian communities in Lebanon. Through a combination of written sources and artifacts the article traces the history of bells and their production in the territory of the Republic of Lebanon. The core of the study is a catalog of ten bells, found in churches and monasteries across Lebanon, which were examined in 2020. Because of their location—usually on top of bell towers/gables—these musical instruments cannot be surveyed easily. Their analysis is a remarkable opportunity to visualize the materiality of bell ringing and its evolution throughout a period of about 200 years.
这篇文章着眼于从18世纪到20世纪黎巴嫩的钟和钟铸造。这个没有受到太多学术关注的话题,揭示了黎巴嫩基督教社区物质文化的一个迷人方面。通过结合书面资料和文物,本文追溯了黎巴嫩共和国领土上的钟及其生产的历史。这项研究的核心是一份10个钟的目录,这些钟在黎巴嫩各地的教堂和修道院中发现,并于2020年进行了检查。由于它们的位置——通常在钟楼/山墙的顶部——这些乐器不容易被调查。他们的分析是一个难得的机会,可以直观地看到钟声的重要性及其在大约200年的时间里的演变。
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引用次数: 0
All Things Cypriot: Studies on Ancient Environment, Technology, and Society in Honor of Stuart Swiny 塞浦路斯的一切纪念斯图尔特-斯维尼的古代环境、技术和社会研究
IF 0.5 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.4.0471
Jennifer M. Webb
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引用次数: 0
The Mineralogical, Chemical, and Physical Properties of Ceramic Building Material: Khirbet Edh-Dharih in Southern Jordan (First Century BC–Seventh Century AD) 陶瓷建筑材料的矿物学、化学和物理特性:约旦南部的 Khirbet Edh-Dharih(公元前一世纪至公元七世纪)
IF 0.5 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.4.0390
Ahmed H. B. Al-Shorman, Zeidoun al-Muheisen, Raghad M. Khalayleh, Jihad A. Al-Daire
Throughout history, ceramic building material (CBM), such as bricks, tiles, and hypocaust tiles, along with decorative elements, have been of immense significance. To determine the mineralogical content, chemical composition, and physical property of such materials, as well as pottery sherds, excavated from the archaeological site of Khirbet Edh-Dharih in southern Jordan, a range of analytical techniques that include petrography, XRD, AAS, and SEM-EDX were utilized. The findings indicate that during the periods studied the potters followed the tradition of sourcing local raw materials and utilized relatively advanced manufacturing techniques. However, the late Byzantine–early Umayyad potters deviated from this norm by blending noncalcareous clay with coarsely crushed quartz in higher proportions and firing them at elevated temperatures. This resulted in a clay with a lower water absorption capacity, lower porosity, and higher bulk density, thus improving its durability.
纵观历史,陶瓷建筑材料(CBM),如砖、瓦、地砖,以及装饰元素,一直具有巨大的意义。为了确定这些材料的矿物学含量、化学成分和物理性质,以及从约旦南部Khirbet Edh-Dharih考古遗址出土的陶器碎片,使用了一系列分析技术,包括岩石学、XRD、AAS和SEM-EDX。研究结果表明,在研究期间,陶工遵循采购当地原材料的传统,并使用相对先进的制造技术。然而,晚期的拜占庭-早期的倭马亚陶工偏离了这一规范,他们将非钙质粘土与粗碎的石英以较高的比例混合,并在高温下烧制。这使得粘土具有较低的吸水能力、较低的孔隙率和较高的容重,从而提高了其耐久性。
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引用次数: 0
New Light on Canaanite-Phoenician Pottery 关于迦南-腓尼基陶器的新发现
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0360
Jolanta Młynarczyk
As announced in the introduction (1–6), Dalit Regev’s New Light on Canaanite-Phoenician Pottery focuses on groups of pottery that were not recognized as Canaanite-Phoenician before the research undertaken by Regev. Her aim is to examine the continuity “from Bronze to the Iron Age and beyond” of the “Canaanite-Phoenician” pottery tradition. The main research material were the “Canaanite-Phoenician” vessel forms in the eastern Mediterranean, while the western Mediterranean is considered to have produced “different interpretations of the Eastern forms” (1). Instead of a “narrow conservative definition” of Phoenician pottery, understood as ceramics made in Phoenicia during the Iron Age, the author proposes a much wider definition, considering as Phoenician pottery the local pottery groups around the Mediterranean made with Phoenician forms, techniques, and traditions. An obvious example is Punic pottery produced by Phoenicians settled in North Africa.It is also clear that the predecessors of Phoenician pottery in the Levant was the Canaanite pottery of the Middle Bronze and Late Bronze Ages. Regev rightly points out that the development of Phoenician pottery, including its predecessors and its continuation in the Persian and Hellenistic periods, are excellent example of longue durée. This is especially true for the “Red Slip group” and “some of the coarse-ware shapes” (amphorae) (3). However, when it comes to the section on the ware (“Phoenician vessels, whether coarse or fine, were often made of the same ware” [4]), the author clearly does not distinguish between the fabric (a matrix composed of clay minerals and inclusions added by the potter) and the ware (composed of two elements: the fabric and specific surface treatments). A ware can be shared by different fabrics. Unfortunately, this defect is perpetuated throughout the book.Chapter 1 (7–18) presents the Phoenician vessel assemblage and its distribution. The first part treats “the pottery groups and etymology” ([7]; apparently meaning “terminology”) and attempts to define the nature of the Phoenician presence in the Mediterranean. The four important topics considered by the author are: existence of multiple workshops, aspects of commercial networks, Phoenician rituals and their attributes, and processes of cultural changes such as Hellenization. This section of Chapter 1 is accompanied by figures 1–5, illustrating the corpora of “Canaanite-Phoenician” pottery in individual periods: the Bronze Age (fig. 1), Iron Age (fig. 2: lacking captions for nos. 44–62), Persian period (fig. 3), Hellenistic period (fig. 4), and Roman period (fig. 5, where, however, nos. 2 and 6 are Byzantine/early Islamic rather than Roman).The second part of this chapter is entitled “The Phoenician Assemblage and Distribution”; it mentions Phoenician shapes in both fine and coarse ware (13) of which the latter should more properly be described as plain ware, if we bear in mind that there exists the important category of so
正如在引言(1-6)中所宣布的,达利特·雷格夫(Dalit Regev)的《迦南-腓尼基陶器新光》(New Light on迦南-腓尼基陶器)关注的是在雷格夫进行研究之前不被认为是迦南-腓尼基陶器的陶器群。她的目的是研究“从青铜时代到铁器时代及以后”的“迦南-腓尼基”陶器传统的连续性。主要的研究材料是地中海东部的“迦南-腓尼基”容器形式,而地中海西部被认为产生了“对东方形式的不同解释”(1)。作者提出了一个更广泛的定义,而不是对腓尼基陶器的“狭隘保守定义”,将其理解为铁器时代在腓尼基制造的陶瓷。考虑到腓尼基人的陶器,地中海周围的当地陶器群体用腓尼基人的形式、技术和传统制作。一个明显的例子是由定居在北非的腓尼基人制作的布匿陶器。同样清楚的是,黎凡特地区腓尼基陶器的前身是青铜时代中期和青铜时代晚期的迦南陶器。Regev正确地指出,腓尼基陶器的发展,包括它的前身,以及它在波斯和希腊化时期的延续,都是长时间复制的极好例子。对于“红Slip组”和“一些粗糙的陶器形状”(双口瓶)(3)来说尤其如此。然而,在关于陶器的部分(“腓尼基人的器皿,无论是粗的还是细的,通常都是由同一种陶器制成的”[4]),作者显然没有区分织物(由陶工添加的粘土矿物和内含物组成的基质)和陶器(由织物和特定表面处理两种元素组成)。一件衣服可以被不同的织物共享。不幸的是,这个缺陷贯穿全书。第一章(7-18)介绍了腓尼基人的船只组合及其分布。第一部分论述“陶器类群及其词源”([7];显然是指“术语”),并试图定义腓尼基人在地中海存在的性质。作者考虑的四个重要主题是:多重作坊的存在、商业网络的各个方面、腓尼基人的仪式及其属性,以及文化变迁的过程,如希腊化。第1章的这一部分附有图1 - 5,说明了各个时期的“迦南-腓尼基”陶器的语料:青铜器时代(图1)、铁器时代(图2:第44-62号没有说明文字)、波斯时期(图3)、希腊化时期(图4)和罗马时期(图5,然而,第2和6号是拜占庭/早期伊斯兰而不是罗马)。本章第二部分的题目是“腓尼基人的聚集和分布”;它提到了腓尼基人的精细和粗糙的形状(13),后者更应该被描述为普通的器皿,如果我们记住存在着所谓的腓尼基半精细的重要类别。作者正确地强调了腓尼基(物质)文化对地中海的影响,其雄辩的表现就是几何时期希腊物质文化的“东方化”。另一个无可争议的说法是腓尼基和塞浦路斯之间存在“特殊关系”(15)。然而,坚持认为“塞浦路斯是腓尼基人,但受到希腊文化和小亚细亚文化的影响”(15),证明对该岛的早期历史及其文化的本质缺乏了解。此外,腓尼基工厂“在塞浦路斯继续生产腓尼基陶器直到罗马晚期”的说法(!)(15)听起来很有争议(参考“Regev 2020”肯定是不够的)。在罗马晚期的陶器形状中认识到腓尼基传统的遥远回声是一回事,但称之为“腓尼基陶器”则完全是另一回事。关于希腊化时期,Regev分别强调了东部Sigillata A (ESA)陶器(被认为是具有国际影响力的腓尼基产品)和粗陶器的不同分布模式。后者不同于欧空局,以腓尼基为导向,包含了双耳壶和双耳壶(这两种形式实际上都代表了半精器,而不是粗器)。在希腊化时期,这两种类型的陶器在内陆的犹太遗址上都很罕见(几乎没有)。“帕福斯的发掘……”产生了相当数量的腓尼基粗陶器”(18)肯定是不正确的(事实上,它缺乏任何参考资料)。第2章(19-53)包含了关于腓尼基双耳罐作为迦南船只后裔的全面和相当有组织的信息。 在她的总结中,Regev再次指出ESA实际上是腓尼基陶器,强调它与铁器时代的红滑腓尼基陶器的相似性。关于塞浦路斯(90年)红便条传统的评论缺乏准确性:到公元前4世纪,这种瓷器已经极度退化,很难辨认,而所谓的塞浦路斯Sigillata (ESD)在公元前100年之前首次出现,而不是像Regev(90年)所说的公元前1世纪。根据她以腓尼基为中心的立场,Regev声称,在黎凡特不同地区(阿拉伯、塞浦路斯、埃及、美索不达米亚北部)发现的一些红拖鞋应该被认为是“属于一个单一的、连续的腓尼基传统”(91)。关于塞浦路斯的“彩涂碗”,人们应该记住,彩涂器并不局限于碗,它在许多地区都有生产,包括小亚细亚海岸和爱琴海,每个地区都有特定的面料。提交人还指出,在希腊化时期,“欧空局仍被认为是黎凡特腓尼基人的宗教标志”(91),她没有证据支持这一说法。第四部分(93-104和图11)考虑了双铬陶器,其装饰风格出现在青铜时代中期的黎凡特陶器中(西顿的坟墓)。作者拒绝了非利士人文化特有的“非利士人”(或“阿什杜德”)陶器的存在(95),将这种陶器定义为迦南-腓尼基陶器的分裂。她还批评了阿齐认为比铬色陶器的发源地是塞浦路斯的观点。她大胆地指出:“在我看来,一个被称为‘非利士人’的外来民族从来没有存在过,因此也从来没有非利士人的物质文化”(97)。事实上,她相信“非利士人”实际上是迦南的航海者。Regev没有为这个极具争议的说法提供任何证据。第五部分(105-13和图12)专门介绍“铁器时代晚期到波斯时期的带状器”。不幸的是,这种“陶器”(“陶器组”?)缺乏足够的描述。雷格夫似乎将彩绘陶器与“东希腊”陶器(公元105年)联系起来,这是非常不精确的。本节包含一些令人困惑的信息。在作者看来,有“三个腓尼基铁器时代的红色纸条组(抛光红色纸条,红上黑和双铬)”(107)。然而,带状装饰,最简单的装饰图案,不能被理解为任何物质文化的标志。相反,它发生在许多不同的陶器上,如塞浦路斯白漆碗、双铬碗、红上黑碗和“东希腊”碗,仅举几例。所谓的“带状器皿”几乎不是一个独立的群体!第六节(114-17)介绍了红上黑的陶器,作者似乎排除了开放的形式,显然将它们转移到“带状陶器”的混合类别。她将红上黑瓷器描述为“红牌和铬合金瓷器的混合”(114),这是一个没有任何证据支持的有争议的定义。关于红上黑陶器起源的讨论仍在进行中,Regev承认生产地点在腓尼基和塞浦路斯,但他强调“这一群体具有明显的腓尼基特征”(117)。第七节(118-26)的标题是“黑纸条:仪式和家庭使用”。省略了它们可能的用途的问题,Regev展示了铁器时代II的黑滑腓尼基容器(图14),目的是在铁器时代II的器皿和阁楼黑色光泽器皿(她发明了缩写“ABG”)之间建立联系。讨论导致读者认为,后者不仅有腓尼基根,而且可能是由腓尼基陶工制造和分发的,这一建议缺乏证据。另一方面,作者正确地指出,在腓尼基人的影响下,阿提卡陶瓷曲目中可能出现了一些容器形状。然而,Regev没有区分滑块和釉,这是一个重要的技术区别,并错误地将黑滑腓尼基陶器称为“腓尼基黑釉”(sic)陶器(121)。我们也应该反对“黎凡特人在希腊化早期生产的黑滑陶”的说法(121)。作者显然是指所谓的希腊化黑滑前身(BSP,一个由Slane 1997年创造的术语),它实际上不是欧空局的前身,而是在公元前二世纪中叶与红滑欧空局的早期曲目一起制作的。这是一个不幸的错误,当作者把艾哈努姆遗址放在巴比伦而不是巴克特里亚(123)。公元前8 - 5 / 4世纪伊比利亚(123-24)的灰色滑陶(Gray Slip ware)部分认为,葡萄牙和西班牙制造的表面为灰色的陶器是腓尼基传统的当地变体。
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引用次数: 0
Battles beneath the Sea: Phoenician Votive Offerings as a Possible Religious Response to Extreme Marine Events in the Gulf of Cadiz 海底战争:腓尼基人对加的斯湾极端海洋事件可能的宗教反应的献祭
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0323
Manuel Álvarez-Martí-Aguilar
ABSTRACT This article reviews the possible cause for the underwater deposition of a series of Phoenician bronze figurines dated between the eighth and seventh centuries BC and discovered on the southwestern coast of the Iberian Peninsula, around the Islet of Sancti Petri (Cadiz) and on the coast near the city of Huelva. These figurines have been interpreted as votive offerings thrown into the waters near the ports of Cadiz and Huelva by Phoenician seafarers and merchants at the end of their voyages as an expression of gratitude to the god Melqart. Instead, I propose that these objects may have been thrown into the waters as part of religious rituals intended to appease the waters of the ocean following the occurrence of catastrophic marine floods, such as those that apparently affected the seaboard of the Gulf of Cadiz in the middle of the first millennium BC.
本文回顾了一系列腓尼基青铜雕像水下沉积的可能原因,这些雕像可追溯到公元前8至7世纪,发现于伊比利亚半岛西南海岸,圣佩特里岛(加的斯)周围和韦尔瓦市附近的海岸。这些小雕像被解释为腓尼基海员和商人在航行结束时向加的斯和韦尔瓦港口附近的水域投掷的献祭品,以表达对梅尔卡特神的感激之情。相反,我认为这些物品可能是作为宗教仪式的一部分被扔进海里的,目的是在灾难性的海洋洪水发生后安抚海洋的海水,比如那些在公元前一千年中期明显影响加的斯湾海岸的洪水。
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引用次数: 0
Phoenician Religion in the Homeland: New Insights from Recent Archaeological Discoveries 故乡的腓尼基宗教:来自最近考古发现的新见解
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0143
Hélène Sader
abstract:The article argues that there is one Phoenician religion and one Phoenician pantheon in spite of the fact that there was no such thing as a Phoenician “state” or “nation.” It also argues that in the absence of Phoenician religious texts the archaeological evidence can partly fill the gap left by this absence. As a case study for the contribution of archaeological discoveries to the understanding of Phoenician religion, the article presents the cult sites with standing stones that were recently exposed at the site of Tell el-Burak, south of Sidon. This aspect of Phoenician religion is not attested in the contemporary written record and was discovered for the first time at this archaeological site. The article discusses its origin and transmission, and suggests that it may have reached Phoenicia through trade and may have been associated with local industries.
本文认为,尽管腓尼基人没有“国家”或“民族”这样的东西,但腓尼基人有一个宗教和一个万神殿。它还认为,在腓尼基宗教文本缺失的情况下,考古证据可以部分填补这一缺失留下的空白。作为对考古发现对理解腓尼基宗教的贡献的案例研究,这篇文章展示了最近在西顿南部的Tell el-Burak遗址发现的带有立石的邪教遗址。腓尼基宗教的这一方面在当代的书面记录中没有得到证实,这是在这个考古遗址第一次发现的。文章讨论了它的起源和传播,并提出它可能通过贸易到达腓尼基,可能与当地的工业有关。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Phoenician Religion and Cult across the Mediterranean 简介:横跨地中海的腓尼基宗教和邪教
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0139
Meir Edrey
The religion that the Phoenicians practiced is still largely unknown, mainly due to the dearth of original Phoenician written sources. The only canonical religious Phoenician text we know of, the creation myth, written in the sixth century BCE by Sanchuniathon, a priest from Beirut, is almost entirely lost to us. Only a few quotes were preserved in the writings of Eusebius of Caesarea (Praeparatio evangelica), dated to the fourth century CE, and to a lesser extent in Porphyry’s treaties (Adversus Christianos), dated to the third or fourth century CE. And none of these are direct quotes but instead are quotes from a heavily Hellenized Greek translation of the original text composed by another priest, Philo of Byblos, during the first century CE (Baumgarten 1981; Edwards 1991: 213; Markoe 2000: 119; Ribichini 2001: 121). However, even if this text had been better preserved, it would have been relevant only for a narrow chronological time frame within the long history of Phoenicia and the Phoenicians, since religion, like other aspects of human life, evolves and changes in accordance with the geopolitical reality. The situation becomes even more complex once the Phoenicians settle parts of the Mediterranean basin, coming into contact with new populations, cultures, and ideas, and a hybrid culture somewhat different from that of the homeland is formed. And although over six thousand Phoenician and Punic inscriptions from various periods were found over the years, the majority reveal little information about Phoenician religion other than names of deities, clients, and rituals (Clifford 1990: 55; Ribichini 2001: 120).When turning to exterior sources, the situation is seemingly far better. The Ugaritic mythological and ritualistic texts provide a solid base for the understanding of the Canaanite pantheon (Cross 1973; Pardee 2002), the Hebrew Bible offers useful information on the prominent deities in Phoenicia, and various classical authors provide us with a relatively abundant amount of information on Phoenician deities, rituals, and myths. However, we must remember that these texts are often both biased and anachronistic, and therefore we cannot rely on them too heavily (Clifford 1990: 55; Schoville 1998: 170–71).Fortunately, archaeology can help us fill in some of the blanks, and it provides us with an ever-growing database on Phoenician religion as it evolved throughout the ages, mainly through epigraphic evidence such as theophoric names and dedicatory inscriptions. The available evidence seems to indicate that during the first millennium BCE, the Bronze Age Canaanite pantheon narrowed significantly, and instead of an extended family of deities, the focus was on a divine triad or, more likely, a divine pair. According to Josephus (Contra Apionem 1.1.18), Hiram I built temples for Jupiter, Heracles, and Astarte in Tyre, who can be identified with El, Melqart, and Astarte, and yet unlike the latter two, El is hardly mentioned in Phoenicia.1 The far
然而,今天人们普遍认为,每个腓尼基城邦中崇拜的独特神灵只是同一神对/三位一体的局部表现,这反映在他们可互换的名字、相似的属性和神圣的责任上,腓尼基人有一个共同的信仰体系,可以被解释为泛腓尼基宗教(Edrey 2019: 141-47)。这种观点在他们的宗教活动中得到了更清晰的反映,因为他们出现在考古记录中。如果考古学可以填补腓尼基宗教的一些空白,那么它对重建腓尼基人的宗教习俗的贡献要大得多。考古学通过其与邪教相关的物质文化为我们提供了对腓尼基宗教实践领域的深入了解,这些文化表现在神圣建筑、丧葬习俗、邪教用具、动物遗骸和碑文证据中。但是,虽然宗教代表了一种官方的信仰体系,由权威机构通过等级森严的神职人员维持,但在其顶端,国王或他的其他家庭成员是大祭司(KAI 14;Ackerman 2013),邪教习俗也可以代表受各种传统影响的流行元素,这些传统有时可能直接与宗教的法律相矛盾。不幸的是,人工制品和生态事实往往缺乏更广泛的背景,这就是我们必须回到书面来源的上下文化解释。因此,研究腓尼基人的宗教及其崇拜习俗,以及与腓尼基人有关的任何其他方面,必须从所有可用的来源中汲取。而这正是本期《JEMAHS》特刊所呈现的文章所展示的。它们是对各种宗教器物、肖像、丧葬和铭文证据的综合研究,试图重建腓尼基人在各个时期和整个地中海世界的宗教信仰和宗教习俗。h<s:1> l<e:1>·萨德尔(h<s:1> l<e:1> Sader)通过对在Tell el-Burak发现的立石的案例研究,以及它们与当地工业的可能联系,探讨了考古学对理解腓尼基宗教的贡献。Ann E. Killebrew在她的文章中讨论了一个类似的发现,该发现涉及在Tel Akko发现的一块站立的石头和其他通常与邪教有关的文物,并与波斯时期在该遗址进行的大规模腓尼基铁器锻造活动有关。Ida Oggiano和Fabio Porzia展示了波斯时期的大胡子男子雕像,以及他与另一个受欢迎的雕像——怀孕的女性——的可能联系,这表明他们可能被理解为一对神圣的夫妇,作者称之为“开放的关系”。朱塞佩·加尔巴蒂还讨论了家乡和腓尼基地中海地区各种腓尼基神之间的神圣关系。波斯时期再次出现在本文作者的一篇文章中,文章认为波斯时期腓尼基宗教和崇拜的某些变化可以通过阿契美尼德/早期琐罗亚斯德教的影响来解释。Fanni Faegersten和Carolina Lopez-Ruiz通过各种媒介(如象牙、石头和木材)讨论了腓尼基艺术和肖像学中的volute主题及其象征意义。阿德里亚诺·奥辛格(Adriano Orsingher)研究了公元前七世纪和六世纪的黎凡特兵马俑模型,认为它们是可移动的神龛,并将它们与地中海地区的类似例子进行了比较。然后,他探索了它们在葬礼仪式中的可能用途。Meritxell Ferrer和Mireia López-Bertran也涉及葬礼仪式,探索面包的使用和在短暂的哀悼者社区创造中的味觉。Federica Spagnoli介绍了Sapienza大学在戈佐岛Ras il-Wardija圣殿的新挖掘结果,以及它与塔斯- silki的邪教场所和女神Astarte的可能联系。曼纽尔Álvarez-Martí-Aguilar回顾了腓尼基青铜雕像的水下沉积,这些雕像的年代在公元前8世纪到7世纪之间,是在伊比利亚半岛西南海岸发现的。他认为,它们是在灾难性的海洋洪水发生后,为了安抚海洋而献上的祭品。最后,但并非最不重要的是,Moshe Fischer, Alexander Fantalkin, Itamar Taxel, Liora Bouzaglou和Oren Tal也在研究海上邪教。他们展示了在Yavneh-Yam出土的一组粘土船模型,并讨论了这些船作为祭品的可能功能,以及它们对波斯和希腊化时期腓尼基人在地中海的海上活动的影响。从这些贡献和先前对腓尼基宗教和邪教习俗的研究中产生的图像揭示了一个复杂且不断发展的信仰、仪式和习俗系统,同时植根于长期共享的青铜时代迦南遗产。 作者证明,至少有一些腓尼基人使用和观察的肖像、宗教和崇拜习俗在时间和空间上仍然相关。此外,宗教不仅仅是一套指导人们度过各种生活事件的法律体系,它也是形成身份的关键因素。腓尼基人在地中海展示的与邪教相关的共同物质文化表明,他们也有一个共同的身份,我们今天称之为腓尼基人。
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引用次数: 0
Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture II.1: Religion—Deities and Mythical Characters 腓尼基文化百科词典2 .1:宗教-神灵和神话人物
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.11.2-3.0354
Megan Daniels
The Phoenicians have received growing attention in scholarship on the ancient Mediterranean in recent decades (most recently in Anglophone scholarship: López-Ruiz 2021; Sader 2019; Quinn 2018). Yet, as C. López-Ruiz notes, “the study of the Phoenicians is still extremely fragmented, striving to find a space of its own” (2021: 4). These peoples have frequently fallen through the rifts created by the artificial bifurcation of “West” and “East,” of classics and Near Eastern or biblical studies, and of Indo-European and Semitic. Another contributing factor to this fragmentation is the lack of “direct textual transmission” of Phoenician literature, with most knowledge conveyed to us via Greco-Roman sources and archaeological evidence, as noted in the volume under review (165).The recent turn toward more globalizing histories of the Mediterranean Iron Age has somewhat rehabilitated the Phoenicians as active agents in the creation of the interconnected cultural and economic currents that shaped this ancient world (e.g., Hodos 2020). Yet the study of the Phoenicians—their language, culture, history, and archaeology—remains hyper-specialized and rather inaccessible to broader scholarly communities due to the issues described above. The current encyclopedia project, the Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture (EDPC), aims to remedy these sticking points by providing “a compact repertoire that is as complete as possible, of easy and immediate consultation, organized according to criteria that aim to be consistent” (ix). The EDPC in its entirety contains over 2,000 entries by around 200 different authors from 20 countries, as per the publisher’s overview.The volume under review is volume II.1: Religion—Deities and Mythical Characters. The first volume in this series focused on historical figures in the Phoenician world. Another volume on religion will appear in the near future as volume II.2: Cult and Ritual and will be a close compliment to II.1. Later volumes will deal with topics such as language and written sources, archaeological sites and toponyms, and social, political, and economic life. As the editors note, each volume in this series strives to be “in one sense independent, but at the same time inseparable from the others.” (ix) The volumes thus contain a consistent system of tagging individual lemmata within and between volumes to create entries that are concise but inherently interconnected and comprehensive, to allow researchers the fullest reading possible on each topic. This complex tagging system naturally causes one to wonder whether the entire EDPC will one day be digitized in such a way that turns the tags into navigable hyperlinks between entries and volumes (volumes I and II.1 are currently available as eBooks but are not linked to one another via any type of content management system).Volume II.1 focuses on Phoenician deities directly attested in the Levant, primarily in the first millennium BCE (xii). Perhaps the greatest challen
近几十年来,腓尼基人在古代地中海的学术研究中受到越来越多的关注(最近在英语国家的学术研究中:López-Ruiz 2021;撒德牌2019;奎因2018)。然而,正如C. López-Ruiz所指出的那样,“对腓尼基人的研究仍然非常分散,努力寻找自己的空间”(2021:4)。这些民族经常陷入人为的“西方”和“东方”、经典和近东或圣经研究、印欧语和闪米特语的分歧中。造成这种碎片化的另一个因素是腓尼基文学缺乏“直接的文本传播”,大多数知识都是通过希腊罗马文献和考古证据传递给我们的,正如本文所述(165)。最近,地中海铁器时代的历史转向更加全球化,这在一定程度上恢复了腓尼基人在创造相互联系的文化和经济潮流方面的积极作用,这些潮流塑造了这个古老的世界(例如,Hodos 2020)。然而,对腓尼基人的研究——他们的语言、文化、历史和考古——仍然是高度专业化的,而且由于上述问题,更广泛的学术团体很难接触到。目前的百科全书项目,腓尼基文化百科词典(EDPC),旨在通过提供“尽可能完整的紧凑曲目,方便快捷的查询,根据旨在保持一致的标准进行组织”来解决这些问题。根据出版商的概述,EDPC整体包含来自20个国家的约200位不同作者的2000多个条目。正在审查的卷是卷II.1:宗教-神灵和神话人物。这个系列的第一卷集中在腓尼基世界的历史人物。关于宗教的另一卷将在不久的将来作为第二卷2:邪教和仪式出版,将是第二卷1的密切补充。以后的卷将处理的主题,如语言和书面来源,考古遗址和地名,以及社会,政治和经济生活。正如编辑们所指出的,这个系列的每一卷都力求“在某种意义上独立,但同时又与其他卷不可分割”。“因此,各卷内和卷间的个别引理有一个一致的标记系统,以创造简洁但本质上相互联系和全面的条目,使研究人员能够充分阅读每个主题。这种复杂的标签系统自然会让人怀疑,整个EDPC是否有一天会以这样一种方式被数字化,即把标签变成条目和卷之间可导航的超链接(卷1和卷2 .1目前作为电子书提供,但没有通过任何类型的内容管理系统相互链接)。卷II.1主要关注腓尼基人在黎凡特直接证实的神祇,主要是在公元前第一个千年(xii)。也许这一卷最大的挑战在于神祇和神话人物的动态性质,以及不断变化的融合,这使得在其各自的文化边界内(或实际上在一千年的时间跨度内)不可能包含任何神祇。编辑们在一开始就承认“一个神……是一个极其复杂的象征性宇宙,根据孕育它的文化的历史演变,在形式和内容上都有变化,并不断地对其进行重新塑造”(x)。他们也有理由质疑,希腊世界普遍适用的神、英雄和凡人的三位一体划分是否适合腓尼基文化。因此,在比布罗斯的斐洛的《腓尼基历史》中,详细记载了诸如利海因(被神化的王室祖先)和神的人格化,如厄洛斯(“爱”)、福斯、皮尔和福洛克斯(“光”、“火”和“火焰”)以及波托斯(“欲望”)等人物。此外,在古代地中海的跨文化互动的复杂性需要包括外国神话或神圣字符吸收到腓尼基文化。因此,读者不仅会遇到梅尔卡特、埃什蒙、阿斯塔特和各种各样的巴力,还会遇到奥西里斯、伊诺-琉科西娅、萨图恩和卡莱斯提斯。在许多情况下,这些“外来的”神首先会在他们自己的文化背景下被描述,在条目的末尾会有一个较短的部分,有时是由一个单独的作者来描述,通过像神的名字这样的元素来详细描述他们在腓尼基世界的证据。除了神话或神圣的人物,读者还会遇到神话元素的条目,如赫拉克勒斯/赫拉克勒斯的支柱和一般类别,如神话和神话,个人名字中的神,神的名字和称号。 总的来说,EDPC的宗教卷分为两个子卷,这使得人们有空间清楚地关注神和神话人物,以及每一个人的证据的性质,把围绕这些人物及其崇拜场所的崇拜和仪式放在后面的卷中。因此,本卷中神灵和神话人物的覆盖范围是值得称赞的,但与任何百科全书式的项目一样,受到一致性和全面性的挑战。在探索这些挑战时,考虑非专家(或邻近领域的专家,如古典学或埃及学)如何体验这些条目是很有用的。首先,编者在引言中指出,所有条目在理论上都遵循一致的格式(xiii-xiv),首先是语言和文献数据,然后是一般历史信息,其次是从黎凡特开始并向西移动的直接证据,然后是其他几个类别。实际上,单个条目在长度和结构上差异很大,考虑到证据的多样性,这是可以理解的(考虑到腓尼基人与近东其他地区的联系,人们也可能质疑从黎凡特向西的焦点)。例如,有些条目会在最后列出所有神灵或英雄的古代来源(如Elissa),而其他条目则会将条目分成时间段、词源和图像等子部分,并在每个部分中讨论相关的古代来源(如Eshmun)。每个条目末尾的参考书目按出版日期按时间顺序排列,并以紧凑的格式和字体呈现。对于只有少数来源的条目,这种安排是可以接受的,但它使具有更广泛的参考书目(例如,Bes, 74-75)的条目难以为读者导航,并且当然妨碍了对来源的任何快速扫描。也许最令人沮丧的是,许多条目完全省略了学术参考文献,而引用关键资料本可以引导读者通过对给定的神或神话人物的相互竞争的学术解释。例如,读者会遇到这样的短语:“根据最近的研究……”(128),没有后续的参考文献。一些作者暗示了关于邪教起源的争论,但没有澄清这些争论背后的学者和作品(例如,关于德墨忒耳和科伊:“这些信息的可靠性最近受到质疑,有人认为作者的评论是刻板印象和想象的先入之见的一部分。”[94])。其他条目更善于引导读者了解这些人物背后的学术争论(例如,Sadambaal, 204-5)以及古代证据(例如,Sarepta的神圣之神,129-31)。在腓尼基神和神话人物的关键参考著作中,这些文献不仅是证据的指南,而且是对这些证据有意义的论点的指南。条目中似乎没有什么重大遗漏。许多来自腓尼基世界之外的人物在这些页面中有很好的特色,因为他们出现在比布罗斯的腓尼基历史中,在优西比乌斯的Praeparatio Evangelica中被引用(菲洛自己有自己的条目,他的半神话来源,Sanchouniathon也是如此)。两个令人费解的遗漏是阿芙罗狄蒂和赫拉,特别是考虑到包括其他希腊神,如狄俄尼索斯、得墨忒尔和科瑞、阿波罗、雅典娜和波塞冬等。对于阿芙罗狄蒂,读者被称为阿多尼斯;阿施塔特;迦巴勒Baalat;Baaltis;关于赫拉,读者可以参考阿斯塔特和蒂尼特。毫无疑问,这些人物和其他希腊神灵一样,是与他们的对应人物混合在一起的。然而,包括阿芙罗狄蒂,例如,可能会允许更多的探索塞浦路斯作为一个主要的地方,神的身份得到表达和发展,特别是像帕福斯,基提翁和阿玛索斯这样的地点(毫无疑问,这些地点将出现在EDPC的后几卷)。事实上,另一个可能包括塞浦路斯或瓦纳萨的伟大女神。这些女神代表了塞浦路斯和黎凡特海岸之间的联系(希罗多德,《历史》1.105.2-3),并且在神话中与金拉斯的形象密切相关(塔西佗,《历史》2.3;比较包萨尼亚,希腊描述8.5.2;参见Franklin 2015;Młynarczyk 2020),他在本卷中以Cinyras的名字出现。总的来说,阿芙罗狄蒂,以及赫拉,可能也允许不同的观点来探索主要腓尼基神的表达,如阿斯达尔特和蒂尼特,他们都在这本书中得到了广泛的治疗。许多参赛作品包含有用的彩色和黑白图像,其中大多数很小,但质量可以接受。最后以板块1-3的形式呈现了三幅地形
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Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies
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