Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10329806
Aditya Sarkar
Abstract This article investigates the possibility of comparisons between the COVID-19 crisis in India and an earlier episode of pandemic crisis: bubonic plague in Bombay at the end of the nineteenth century. There are numerous apparent parallels. In both cases, Indians experienced an unprecedented and sweeping use of state authority to enforce minute regulations of everyday life. These regulations, on both occasions, were nominally universal in their scope but in practice bore most heavily on the working classes and specifically the urban poor. During both pandemic crises, the immediate consequence of the strategy of state control chosen was a massive flight of the urban poor: from Bombay between 1896 and 1898, and from many of India's major urban centers in the summer of 2020. The parallels and convergences mentioned above provide a basis for comparison. But they do no more than that: the emphasis of the analysis that follows is on the contrasts between the two pandemic crises. It is these contrasts between the two episodes, rather than the superficially more striking similarities, which offer a basis for reflection on the character of the respective crises. These reflections focus, at their core, on the mode of authoritarian state policy deployed in the two cases, and on the predicament of laboring classes during the two cycles of pandemic crisis.
{"title":"Pandemics, Labor Relations, and Political Regimes: The Bubonic Plague and COVID-19 Crises in India","authors":"Aditya Sarkar","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10329806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10329806","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the possibility of comparisons between the COVID-19 crisis in India and an earlier episode of pandemic crisis: bubonic plague in Bombay at the end of the nineteenth century. There are numerous apparent parallels. In both cases, Indians experienced an unprecedented and sweeping use of state authority to enforce minute regulations of everyday life. These regulations, on both occasions, were nominally universal in their scope but in practice bore most heavily on the working classes and specifically the urban poor. During both pandemic crises, the immediate consequence of the strategy of state control chosen was a massive flight of the urban poor: from Bombay between 1896 and 1898, and from many of India's major urban centers in the summer of 2020. The parallels and convergences mentioned above provide a basis for comparison. But they do no more than that: the emphasis of the analysis that follows is on the contrasts between the two pandemic crises. It is these contrasts between the two episodes, rather than the superficially more striking similarities, which offer a basis for reflection on the character of the respective crises. These reflections focus, at their core, on the mode of authoritarian state policy deployed in the two cases, and on the predicament of laboring classes during the two cycles of pandemic crisis.","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135337262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237976
J. Viteritti
{"title":"The Long Crisis: New York City and the Path to Neoliberalism by Benjamin Holtzman (review)","authors":"J. Viteritti","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237976","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"24 1","pages":"123 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81626258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10238074
Lou Martin
{"title":"African American Workers and the Appalachian Coal Industry by Joe William Trotter Jr (review)","authors":"Lou Martin","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10238074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10238074","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"9 1","pages":"139 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73774428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237836
Leon Fink
Like Appalachian coal mining, the Northwest logging industry has not gone down without a fight. Again, somewhat akin to the politics of mineworking communities in West Virginia, the protagonists in ensuing bitter fights over jobs versus environmental protectionism have skewed traditional class alliances and threatened long-standing regional progressive traditions. As Steven Beda makes clear in his assessment of a still-smoldering controversy that upended ambitious cap-and-trade legislation to stem logging in 2020, environmental regulation combined with a more long-term sectoral economic decline have fueled a decidedly right-wing version of populism across the region since the early 1970s. In this thoughtful assessment of Oregon's internally conflicted Timber Unity rank and file—a movement based on marginal, independent timber contractor-producers and small sawmill operators who draw variously on old-Wobbly and antiregulatory rhetoric redirected at “elitist” protectors of the spotted owl and a recreation-oriented middle class—Beda discovers a microcosm of a larger rural shift away from radical working-class identities (see A. Brooke Boulton's accompanying Common Verse poem) toward the defensiveness of populist backlash.Francis Ryan tracks an important but little-noticed component of the post–World War II labor force: school crossing guards. Born of the Baby Boom expansion of school-age children combined with a population of mothers eager for rewarding part-time work, official, uniformed crossing guards—taking the place of otherwise overworked police officers—became a fixture at urban intersections beginning in the early 1950s. Although initially linked in the public mind to the “voluntary” sector associated with “PTA women” and others, Ryan convincingly connects them to a labor feminist tradition centered on an emergent public sector workforce. By the 1960s, the guards’ economic demands encompassed both benefits and wages, and their formalized associations began to affiliate with established unions like AFSCME and the SEIU. Not surprisingly, the urban fiscal crises of the 1970s also directly touched the interracial guard associations, who fought back against massive job cuts. Yet the real threat—and seeming denouement—to this once-classic urban occupation, suggests Ryan, came with a decline of collective, public protection of street corners by the guards, replaced by the hyper-individualized vigilance over children by their own parents.In the course of a larger biographical study of civil rights and labor icon, A. Philip Randolph, Eric Arnesen pauses here to zero in on Randolph's relation to what might be considered the ultimate expression of late 1930s Popular Front radicalism: the National Negro Congress. With a spirited assault on both racial and economic exploitation—critiquing the inadequacies of the New Deal, supporting interracial trade unionism, combating segregation , and opposing fascism—the NNC temporarily repaired a breach between Comm
{"title":"Editor's Introduction","authors":"Leon Fink","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237836","url":null,"abstract":"Like Appalachian coal mining, the Northwest logging industry has not gone down without a fight. Again, somewhat akin to the politics of mineworking communities in West Virginia, the protagonists in ensuing bitter fights over jobs versus environmental protectionism have skewed traditional class alliances and threatened long-standing regional progressive traditions. As Steven Beda makes clear in his assessment of a still-smoldering controversy that upended ambitious cap-and-trade legislation to stem logging in 2020, environmental regulation combined with a more long-term sectoral economic decline have fueled a decidedly right-wing version of populism across the region since the early 1970s. In this thoughtful assessment of Oregon's internally conflicted Timber Unity rank and file—a movement based on marginal, independent timber contractor-producers and small sawmill operators who draw variously on old-Wobbly and antiregulatory rhetoric redirected at “elitist” protectors of the spotted owl and a recreation-oriented middle class—Beda discovers a microcosm of a larger rural shift away from radical working-class identities (see A. Brooke Boulton's accompanying Common Verse poem) toward the defensiveness of populist backlash.Francis Ryan tracks an important but little-noticed component of the post–World War II labor force: school crossing guards. Born of the Baby Boom expansion of school-age children combined with a population of mothers eager for rewarding part-time work, official, uniformed crossing guards—taking the place of otherwise overworked police officers—became a fixture at urban intersections beginning in the early 1950s. Although initially linked in the public mind to the “voluntary” sector associated with “PTA women” and others, Ryan convincingly connects them to a labor feminist tradition centered on an emergent public sector workforce. By the 1960s, the guards’ economic demands encompassed both benefits and wages, and their formalized associations began to affiliate with established unions like AFSCME and the SEIU. Not surprisingly, the urban fiscal crises of the 1970s also directly touched the interracial guard associations, who fought back against massive job cuts. Yet the real threat—and seeming denouement—to this once-classic urban occupation, suggests Ryan, came with a decline of collective, public protection of street corners by the guards, replaced by the hyper-individualized vigilance over children by their own parents.In the course of a larger biographical study of civil rights and labor icon, A. Philip Randolph, Eric Arnesen pauses here to zero in on Randolph's relation to what might be considered the ultimate expression of late 1930s Popular Front radicalism: the National Negro Congress. With a spirited assault on both racial and economic exploitation—critiquing the inadequacies of the New Deal, supporting interracial trade unionism, combating segregation , and opposing fascism—the NNC temporarily repaired a breach between Comm","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135146431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237892
S. Beda
Abstract:This article focusing on Oregon’s timber industry contributes to recent efforts to chart the longer history of working-class conservativism, while also arguing that environmental change and conflict played a central role in shaping the political leanings and class identities of white, rural workers in resource extraction industries. It pays particular attention to Oregon’s independent contracting and milling operations—small, often family-owned enterprises where the lines separating labor and capital were blurry at best and where bosses and employers alike viewed unions and working-class radicals with deep skepticism. Independent contractors became the dominant form of labor relations in Oregon’s timber industry in the 1970s, largely because of changes to the forest wrought by decades of overharvests and the flight of large timber corporations. Workers unmoored by capital flight increasingly turned to independent contractors and thus began to believe that their economic futures depended on maintaining close ties with their employers. This sense grew stronger in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when Oregon environmentalists began seeking new restrictions on logging to protect the habitat of the northern spotted owl—restrictions that threatened to further reduce timber-based employment and exacerbate the economic problems of rural, timber-dependent communities. Workers and employers joined together in more visible coalitions, held together by a shared populist outrage at the urban, liberal, and affluent elite who, in their view, were responsible for their economic precarity. This view remains evident in Oregon today, where a new movement that joins bosses and workers, Timber Unity, has coalesced to fight proposed legislation intended to address climate change.
{"title":"“Tie a Yellow Ribbon for the Working Man”: Environmental Conflict and Working-Class Politics in Oregon Timber Country, 1970–Present","authors":"S. Beda","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237892","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article focusing on Oregon’s timber industry contributes to recent efforts to chart the longer history of working-class conservativism, while also arguing that environmental change and conflict played a central role in shaping the political leanings and class identities of white, rural workers in resource extraction industries. It pays particular attention to Oregon’s independent contracting and milling operations—small, often family-owned enterprises where the lines separating labor and capital were blurry at best and where bosses and employers alike viewed unions and working-class radicals with deep skepticism. Independent contractors became the dominant form of labor relations in Oregon’s timber industry in the 1970s, largely because of changes to the forest wrought by decades of overharvests and the flight of large timber corporations. Workers unmoored by capital flight increasingly turned to independent contractors and thus began to believe that their economic futures depended on maintaining close ties with their employers. This sense grew stronger in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when Oregon environmentalists began seeking new restrictions on logging to protect the habitat of the northern spotted owl—restrictions that threatened to further reduce timber-based employment and exacerbate the economic problems of rural, timber-dependent communities. Workers and employers joined together in more visible coalitions, held together by a shared populist outrage at the urban, liberal, and affluent elite who, in their view, were responsible for their economic precarity. This view remains evident in Oregon today, where a new movement that joins bosses and workers, Timber Unity, has coalesced to fight proposed legislation intended to address climate change.","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"113 1","pages":"111 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90902431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237920
Amy Zanoni
{"title":"Making Social Welfare Policy in America: Three Case Studies since 1950 by Edward D. Berkowitz (review)","authors":"Amy Zanoni","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237920","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"28 1","pages":"114 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89305496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10238060
J. Suarez
{"title":"Labor’s End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work by Jason Resnikoff (review)","authors":"J. Suarez","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10238060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10238060","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"45 1","pages":"136 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79456407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237990
Gabriel Winant
After the 2008 financial crisis, advocates of regulation often observed that banking needed to be made boring again. The footprint of finance in American and world society, it was widely realized, had expanded dramatically, relying on exotic innovations and yielding incredible profits. With disastrous effects, bankers now appeared as swashbuckling adventurers rather than the gray, dull figures they once had been.Organized labor was caught up in this transformation in important ways, as Sanford M. Jacoby demonstrates in Labor in the Age of Finance: Pensions, Politics, and Corporations from Deindustrialization to Dodd-Frank. Jacoby, an eminent historian of business and industrial relations, argues that, with the rest of society, labor took a “financial turn” (1). “For much of the twentieth century, the worlds of finance and labor spun in separate orbits,” he writes. “They drew nearer as the century came to a close and a new one began” (8).While the workers’ movement in the broad sense and in its early days was concerned with questions of monopoly and corporate ownership, the triumph of the managerial firm in the twentieth century largely buried this tradition. Through the midcentury period, while community organizers and activists agitated for access to corporate decision-makers, labor leaders already had a forum in which to meet them: the bargaining table. But out of collective bargaining came the pension, an institution of unexpected significance in the nexus between workers and corporate control. As the labor movement lost members, weakened, and faced tougher opposition in the 1970s and 1980s, unions began to adopt the tactics pioneered by figures like Saul Alinsky and Ralph Nader to pressure corporate boards and managers. This approach, developed in campaigns such as ACTWU's fight against J. P. Stevens and later SEIU's Justice for Janitors, combined strategic research, spectacle confrontation, and shareholder and other stakeholder lobbying; eventually it became known as “corporate campaigning.” In some cases, unions discovered that they could use pensions accumulated by the movement's own members over years of collective bargaining—pensions that, after all, consisted of ownership shares of corporations—to gain access to corporate leadership. In this way, labor's own collective stake in financial markets began to take complex new forms of significance in workplace conflicts.The most significant player in thinking strategically about how to use labor's capital was CalPERS, the pension system of California public employees. In the 1980s CalPERS helped to organize the Council of Institutional Investors (CII), which exerted pressure on corporate governance. Along with similar organizations, including TIAA-CREF, CalPERS and CII helped produce what Jacoby calls a “cookbook” of recommendations for best practices, which investors could pressure corporations to adopt. The shareholder revolution of the 1980s was a complex process involving pressure on inc
{"title":"Labor in the Age of Finance: Pensions, Politics, and Corporations from Deindustrialization to Dodd-Frank","authors":"Gabriel Winant","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237990","url":null,"abstract":"After the 2008 financial crisis, advocates of regulation often observed that banking needed to be made boring again. The footprint of finance in American and world society, it was widely realized, had expanded dramatically, relying on exotic innovations and yielding incredible profits. With disastrous effects, bankers now appeared as swashbuckling adventurers rather than the gray, dull figures they once had been.Organized labor was caught up in this transformation in important ways, as Sanford M. Jacoby demonstrates in Labor in the Age of Finance: Pensions, Politics, and Corporations from Deindustrialization to Dodd-Frank. Jacoby, an eminent historian of business and industrial relations, argues that, with the rest of society, labor took a “financial turn” (1). “For much of the twentieth century, the worlds of finance and labor spun in separate orbits,” he writes. “They drew nearer as the century came to a close and a new one began” (8).While the workers’ movement in the broad sense and in its early days was concerned with questions of monopoly and corporate ownership, the triumph of the managerial firm in the twentieth century largely buried this tradition. Through the midcentury period, while community organizers and activists agitated for access to corporate decision-makers, labor leaders already had a forum in which to meet them: the bargaining table. But out of collective bargaining came the pension, an institution of unexpected significance in the nexus between workers and corporate control. As the labor movement lost members, weakened, and faced tougher opposition in the 1970s and 1980s, unions began to adopt the tactics pioneered by figures like Saul Alinsky and Ralph Nader to pressure corporate boards and managers. This approach, developed in campaigns such as ACTWU's fight against J. P. Stevens and later SEIU's Justice for Janitors, combined strategic research, spectacle confrontation, and shareholder and other stakeholder lobbying; eventually it became known as “corporate campaigning.” In some cases, unions discovered that they could use pensions accumulated by the movement's own members over years of collective bargaining—pensions that, after all, consisted of ownership shares of corporations—to gain access to corporate leadership. In this way, labor's own collective stake in financial markets began to take complex new forms of significance in workplace conflicts.The most significant player in thinking strategically about how to use labor's capital was CalPERS, the pension system of California public employees. In the 1980s CalPERS helped to organize the Council of Institutional Investors (CII), which exerted pressure on corporate governance. Along with similar organizations, including TIAA-CREF, CalPERS and CII helped produce what Jacoby calls a “cookbook” of recommendations for best practices, which investors could pressure corporations to adopt. The shareholder revolution of the 1980s was a complex process involving pressure on inc","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135146430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237878
Francis Ryan
Abstract:In the years immediately following World War II, cities and townships across the United States implemented public safety programs to oversee road crossing for children outside schools. The crossing guards assigned to coordinate safe passage at busy intersections were primarily women and, as part-time workers, were a distinct sector of an expanding public sector workforce. This article highlights the origins of these public safety initiatives and how crossing guards formed associations in the 1950s and 1960s to secure economic improvements. These independent organizations articulated an important variant of labor feminism in the early postwar era, and attention to the agendas put forward by these women opens new insight into this aspect of working-class activism. Into the 1970s, many guard associations merged with AFL-CIO unions, especially the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), becoming a catalyst for a range of programs that prioritized the needs of working women in collective bargaining agreements. The article concludes with an overview of the issues crossing guards and their organizations face in an age of increasing austerity in the new century.
{"title":"“You’ll Never Walk Alone”: School Crossing Guard Associations and Labor Feminism in the Postwar United States","authors":"Francis Ryan","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237878","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In the years immediately following World War II, cities and townships across the United States implemented public safety programs to oversee road crossing for children outside schools. The crossing guards assigned to coordinate safe passage at busy intersections were primarily women and, as part-time workers, were a distinct sector of an expanding public sector workforce. This article highlights the origins of these public safety initiatives and how crossing guards formed associations in the 1950s and 1960s to secure economic improvements. These independent organizations articulated an important variant of labor feminism in the early postwar era, and attention to the agendas put forward by these women opens new insight into this aspect of working-class activism. Into the 1970s, many guard associations merged with AFL-CIO unions, especially the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), becoming a catalyst for a range of programs that prioritized the needs of working women in collective bargaining agreements. The article concludes with an overview of the issues crossing guards and their organizations face in an age of increasing austerity in the new century.","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"115 1","pages":"49 - 84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77918006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237962
B. Goldfrank
{"title":"Lula and His Politics of Cunning: From Metalworker to President of Brazil by John D. French (review)","authors":"B. Goldfrank","doi":"10.1215/15476715-10237962","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10237962","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43329,"journal":{"name":"Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas","volume":"51 1","pages":"121 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76381351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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