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Rise of the Timber Beast—Northern Minnesota, 1917 伐木兽的崛起——北明尼苏达州,1917年
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237850
A. Boulton
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引用次数: 0
Education in Black and White: Myles Horton and the Highlander Center's Vision for Social Justice 《黑人与白人的教育:迈尔斯·霍顿与汉兰达中心的社会正义愿景》
Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10238046
Robert Korstad
Highlander Center has been indispensable to the struggle for social and economic justice in the US South. Founded in 1932 by Myles Horton and others as the Highlander Folk School, the center has transformed itself over the years to meet the challenges of the times. Initially, Highlander focused on the educational and organizational needs of working-class people in East Tennessee. In the late 1930s and 1940s it served primarily as a training center for CIO unions across the region. In the 1950s and 1960s, it redirected its efforts to support southern civil rights struggles. And during the last decades of the twentieth century, it was heavily involved in economic and environmental battles in Appalachia.Stephen Preskill's Education in Black and White: Myles Horton and the Highlander Center's Vision for Social Justice is the most recent book about Horton and the institution he led. Most previous books have been written by people with close ties to the center, including one by Horton himself. Preskill doesn't intend his book to be a revision of that scholarship or a comprehensive history of the man or the place. It is, instead, an exploration of the educational vision of both.The story begins in western Tennessee, where Horton grew up. His parents had eighth-grade educations and taught briefly in the public schools. But they spent most of their lives moving around the region looking for jobs to keep their family clothed and fed. One thing was constant in their migrant life: their desire for their children to get the best education possible.Horton was a good student and voracious reader, but his real education came from witnessing the poverty and racial discrimination that characterized the region. After graduating from college and teaching for a few years, Horton enrolled at Union Theological Seminary in New York, where he studied with Reinhold Niebuhr as well as Columbia University's John Dewey. A year at the University of Chicago brought him in contact with the sociologist Robert Park and Hull House's Jane Addams. Uninterested in an academic career, Horton took off for Denmark to learn about the Danish folk schools and their focus on adult learning. By the end of the trip, he had developed a vision for Highlander Folk School, his institutional home for the rest of his life.Stephen Preskill argues that popular education was central to Highlander's vision throughout the transformations of the past ninety years. Popular education was not about credentials or degrees. It was a process in which people started from their own experiences, learned from each other, and then worked collaboratively toward a transformative political goal. The workshops and training sessions that brought thousands of people to Highlander were based on this principle.Preskill addresses some of the most difficult issues in Highlander's past: the slow process of racially integrating workshops and training programs; the problematic relationship between Horton and the more conservati
汉兰达中心在美国南方争取社会和经济正义的斗争中发挥了不可或缺的作用。该中心于1932年由迈尔斯·霍顿(Myles Horton)等人创立,当时名为汉兰达民间学校(Highlander Folk School),多年来不断转型,以迎接时代的挑战。最初,汉兰达关注的是东田纳西州工人阶级的教育和组织需求。在20世纪30年代末和40年代,它主要作为该地区CIO工会的培训中心。在20世纪50年代和60年代,它重新转向支持南方的民权斗争。在20世纪的最后几十年里,它积极参与了阿巴拉契亚地区的经济和环境斗争。斯蒂芬·普雷斯基尔的《黑人与白人的教育:迈尔斯·霍顿和汉兰德中心的社会正义愿景》是关于霍顿和他领导的机构的最新著作。之前的大多数书都是由与该中心关系密切的人写的,包括霍顿自己写的一本。普雷斯基尔并不打算在他的书中对那些学术成果进行修订,也不打算全面介绍这个人或这个地方的历史。相反,它是对两者的教育愿景的探索。故事始于霍顿长大的田纳西州西部。他的父母只受过八年级教育,并在公立学校短暂任教。但他们一生中的大部分时间都在这个地区四处奔波,寻找工作来维持家人的温饱。在他们的移民生活中,有一件事是不变的:他们希望自己的孩子尽可能接受最好的教育。霍顿是一个好学生和如饥似渴的读者,但他真正的教育来自于目睹了该地区的贫困和种族歧视。大学毕业并执教几年后,霍顿进入纽约联合神学院,在那里他师从莱茵霍尔德·尼布尔以及哥伦比亚大学的约翰·杜威。在芝加哥大学(University of Chicago)的一年里,他结识了社会学家罗伯特·帕克(Robert Park)和赫尔学院(Hull House)的简·亚当斯(Jane adams)。霍顿对学术生涯不感兴趣,他启程前往丹麦,了解丹麦的民间学校和他们对成人教育的关注。到旅行结束时,他对汉兰达民间学校有了一个愿景,这是他余生的学校。Stephen Preskill认为,在过去90年的变革中,大众教育是汉兰达愿景的核心。大众教育不是关于证书或学位。这是一个过程,在这个过程中,人们从自己的经验出发,相互学习,然后共同努力实现一个变革的政治目标。将成千上万的人带到汉兰达的讲习班和培训课程就是基于这一原则。普雷斯基尔讲述了汉兰达过去的一些最棘手的问题:种族融合研讨会和培训计划的缓慢进程;霍顿与上世纪40年代末较为保守的CIO领导人之间存在问题的关系;以及民权运动早期在约翰斯岛建立公民学校的复杂历史。这个故事的一个方面,他可能更强调的是霍顿和其他高地人在南方叛乱中扮演的战略思想家和规划者的角色。例如,当CIO成员和员工访问汉兰达时,霍顿不仅仅是一个东道主。他是工会的顾问,帮助他们设计组织活动,培养基层领导人来支持当地居民。民权运动也是如此。研讨会和会议经常是讨论、辩论和分歧的大锅,运动领导人、普通员工和高地人的工作人员在这里讨论他们的分歧,磨练胜利的策略。1969年,霍顿从汉兰达导演的职位上退休后,开始把他关于大众教育和政治变革的想法带到世界其他地方。他最激动人心的经历是在尼加拉瓜,在那里他目睹了桑地诺政府开展的全国扫盲运动。在经过训练的年轻人进行的为期五个月的“十字军东征”中,成千上万的尼加拉瓜人获得了基本的识字技能。在后来的几年里,霍顿还与巴西教育家和理论家保罗·弗莱雷(Paulo Freire)建立了密切的友谊。弗莱雷在《被压迫者的教育学》一书中认为,人类的解放需要被压迫者从自己的经历中发展对世界的理解,并利用这种理解获得自由。弗莱雷对民主教育的看法与霍顿相似,他们合作出版了一本“会说话的书”,书名为《我们走路走的路:关于教育和社会变革的对话》。《黑人与白人的教育》不仅仅是一部关于霍顿和汉兰达的引人入胜的研究。
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引用次数: 0
The Making and Breaking of a Popular Front: The Case of the National Negro Congress 一个人民阵线的形成与破裂:以全国黑人代表大会为例
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237864
E. Arnesen
Abstract:Drawing together members of the American Communist Party and a variety of non-Communist progressives in the common cause of racial equality, labor rights, and antifascism, the National Negro Congress represented a visible example of the Popular Front (1935/1936–39) in action. This article explores how a Popular Front alliance came into being by tracing the events of 1935 that led Communists to eschew their prior sectarianism and non-Communists to recognize the value of collaboration with their now-former rivals. It also contends that contrary to what some recent scholarship argues, from the outset the Communist influence on the NNC’s formation and operation was considerable—even decisive—and that after the signing of the 1939 Hitler-Stalin Pact, the party’s new antiwar stance and its numerical dominance at the NNC’s third conference in 1940 led to the collapse of the Popular Front alliance. Understanding the rise and fall of the NNC as a progressive coalition requires a critical evaluation of the role of the Communist Party in the NNC’s accomplishments and failures.
摘要:全国黑人大会(National Negro Congress)将美国共产党成员与各种非共产主义进步人士聚集在一起,共同致力于种族平等、劳工权利和反法西斯主义等共同事业,是人民阵线(1935/1936-39)在行动中的一个明显例子。这篇文章通过追溯1935年的事件,探讨了人民阵线联盟是如何形成的,这些事件导致共产党人避开了他们之前的宗派主义,非共产党人认识到与他们现在的前对手合作的价值。它还认为,与最近一些学者的观点相反,共产党从一开始就对全国代表大会的形成和运作产生了相当大的影响——甚至是决定性的影响——并且在1939年《希特勒-斯大林条约》签署后,该党新的反战立场及其在1940年全国代表大会第三次会议上的数量优势导致了人民阵线联盟的瓦解。要理解NNC作为一个进步联盟的兴衰,就需要对共产党在NNC的成就和失败中所扮演的角色进行批判性评估。
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引用次数: 0
What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party by Michael Kazin (review) 《获胜的代价:民主党的历史》迈克尔·卡津著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10238004
E. Shermer
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引用次数: 1
The Making of a Periphery: How Island Southeast Asia Became a Mass Exporter of Labor by Ulbe Bosma (review) 《边缘的形成:东南亚岛国如何成为劳动力的大量输出国》,乌尔贝·博斯马著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237934
Kris Alexanderson
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 20, Issue 1 © 2023 by Labor and Working-Class History Association (4). Making Social Welfare Policy in America subordinates the role social movements and political allegiances play in shaping policy, instead charting how shifting political motivations are, at least to some extent, beholden to the administrative structures that emerge in moments of quick compromise. In his conclusion, Berkowitz invites readers to decide whether his approach or that of “social critics” yields better insights. Berkowitz abstains from the robust and worthwhile scholarly conversations about the trajectory of twentiethcentury US social policy and politics and how history helps us understand the problems we face today. But Making Social Policy in America is rife with insights about the changing priorities and values of US policymakers. It shows us why those of us interested in inequality should all pay attention to administrative structure and, tacitly, sheds light on the profound importance of universal social policy. Berkowitz doesn’t want to be a social critic, but his work has insights for people who do.
《劳工:工人阶级历史研究》,第20卷,第1期©2023年,由劳工和工人阶级历史协会出版(4)。《在美国制定社会福利政策》将社会运动和政治忠诚在形成政策方面的作用置于次要地位,而是描绘了政治动机的变化如何,至少在某种程度上,受制于在快速妥协时刻出现的行政结构。在他的结论中,伯科维茨邀请读者决定他的方法还是“社会批评家”的方法能产生更好的见解。关于20世纪美国社会政策和政治的轨迹,以及历史如何帮助我们理解我们今天面临的问题,伯克维茨回避了强有力的、有价值的学术对话。但《美国社会政策制定》充斥着对美国政策制定者不断变化的优先事项和价值观的见解。它向我们展示了为什么我们这些对不平等感兴趣的人都应该关注行政结构,并无形中阐明了普遍社会政策的深远重要性。伯克维茨并不想成为一名社会批评家,但他的作品对社会批评家有着深刻的见解。
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引用次数: 3
The Men of Mobtown: Policing Baltimore in the Age of Slavery and Emancipation by Adam Malka (review) 《摩城之人:奴隶制和解放时代的巴尔的摩治安》作者:亚当·马尔卡
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10238018
M. Ross
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引用次数: 0
The Red Thread: The Passaic Textile Strike by Jacob A. Zumoff (review) 《红线:Passaic纺织业罢工》雅各布·a·祖莫夫著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10238102
Christopher Phelps
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引用次数: 0
Movie Workers: The Women Who Made British Cinema by Melanie Bell (review) 《电影工作者:创造英国电影的女性》梅勒妮·贝尔著(书评)
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10237906
C. Malone
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引用次数: 0
Education in Black and White: Myles Horton and the Highlander Center's Vision for Social Justice by Stephen Preskill (review) 《黑人与白人的教育:迈尔斯·霍顿与汉兰达中心的社会正义愿景》作者:斯蒂芬·普雷斯基尔
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032590
R. Korstad
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引用次数: 0
The Roots of Populism: Neoliberalism and Working-Class Lives by Brian Elliott (review) 《民粹主义的根源:新自由主义与工人阶级生活》作者:布莱恩·艾略特
IF 0.1 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-10032434
K. Gildart
Labor: Studies in Working-Class History, Volume 19, Issue 4 © 2022 by Labor and Working-Class History Association interviews. The result is a portrait of slave life, and of slave masculinity, that is highly contentious but deeply human. Violence pervades this book: in the vertical relationships between enslavers and enslaved, in the horizontal interactions of enslaved men, and in the lateral bonds that connected people in the larger plantation economy. As Doddington notes, “While enslaved men and women formed positive relationships with one another and created a strong gendered identity in their social spaces, they were also places where reputations were lost, and this mattered too” (210). Contesting Slave Masculinity is an excellent book that confirms, expands, and challenges much of what we know about the gendered nature of American slavery.
劳动:工人阶级历史研究,第19卷,第4期©2022年由劳动和工人阶级历史协会采访。结果是一幅奴隶生活和奴隶男子气概的肖像,这是一幅极具争议但又极具人性的肖像。暴力在这本书中无处不在:在奴隶和被奴隶之间的纵向关系中,在被奴役者之间的横向互动中,以及在更大的种植园经济中将人们联系在一起的横向纽带中。正如Doddington所指出的那样,“当被奴役的男人和女人相互之间形成积极的关系,并在他们的社会空间中创造出强烈的性别认同时,他们也是失去名誉的地方,这也很重要”(210)。《争夺奴隶的男子气概》是一本优秀的书,它证实、扩展和挑战了我们对美国奴隶制的性别本质的了解。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Labor-Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas
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