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La Denonciation des Traites Techniques et Politique, edited by Florian Couveinhes Matsumoto and Raphaelle Nollez-Goldbach 《技术和政治论文的谴责》,弗洛里安·库维内斯·松本和拉斐尔·诺尔斯-哥德巴赫编辑
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10094
Malgosia Fitzmaurice
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引用次数: 0
Bordering Asylum in Post-Brexit Britain 英国脱欧后的边境庇护
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10087
Andrew Pitt
This article considers UK government’s proposal to re-introduce an accelerated appeals system for detained asylum seekers through resort to legislation. Previously, a similar system, the ‘Detained Fast Track’, was ruled unlawful largely on the basis that it lacked procedural fairness, a core tenet of the rule of law. This article examines the interplay between the rule of law and international human rights law. It adopts a formal notion of the rule of law to assess its effectiveness in protecting asylum seeker’s rights, as a sub-group of ‘unwanted migrants’. This is applied to a case study of the previous system and legal challenges to it to explore the deficiency of legality of the system and the effectiveness of judicial review. Three stages of the previous system are examined, its inception, its survival of early legal challenges and its eventual demise to expose the marginalisation of international human rights safeguards.
本文考虑了英国政府通过诉诸立法重新引入被拘留的寻求庇护者加速上诉制度的建议。此前,类似的“拘留快速通道”(detention Fast Track)被裁定为非法,主要原因是它缺乏程序公正,而程序公正是法治的核心原则。本文探讨了法治与国际人权法之间的相互作用。它采用了一种正式的法治概念,以评估其在保护寻求庇护者权利方面的有效性,寻求庇护者是“不受欢迎的移民”的一个子群体。本文通过对以往制度的案例分析和对其的法律挑战,探讨该制度合法性的不足和司法审查的有效性。本文审查了前一制度的三个阶段,即它的开始,它在早期法律挑战中幸存下来,以及它的最终消亡,以揭露国际人权保障的边缘化。
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引用次数: 0
Does the UK Home Office Care about the Rule of Law? 英国内政部关心法治吗?
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10088
S. York
The instrumentalisation of law for the purposes of creating a ‘hostile environment’ and deterring ‘unwanted migration’ is particularly visible in the UK. The new Nationality and Borders Act 2022 contains proposals on asylum which show a rejection of international law norms and conventions, without having had the political courage to put that rejection squarely to the public. That is not new. Right from the emergence of asylum as a political issue in the 1980’s, the lukewarm official ‘welcome’ never quite hid the stance of disbelief which underlay the UK’s legal and procedural responses. A parallel process, beginning even earlier but accelerating from 2010 onwards, has taken place in UK domestic immigration law. New legislation, Immigration Rules, policies, application procedures and litigation practices show diminishing respect for rule of law principles. This article uses simple and hopefully uncontroversial definitions of international law norms and accepted common law rule of law principles against which to analyse and critique key aspects of UK immigration control. It concludes that UK policies and practice have over time displayed an increasing hostility to those norms and principles, resorting to ignorant and even brazen indifference to facts, evidence, and analysis, and widening the gap between domestic and international law in important respects.
为创造“敌对环境”和阻止“不受欢迎的移民”而将法律工具化的做法在联合王国尤为明显。新的《2022年国籍和边界法案》包含了关于庇护的建议,这些建议表明了对国际法准则和公约的拒绝,而没有政治勇气直接向公众表示拒绝。这并不新鲜。从20世纪80年代庇护作为一个政治问题出现以来,官方不温不火的“欢迎”从来没有完全掩盖不相信的立场,这是英国法律和程序回应的基础。在英国国内移民法中也出现了类似的过程,这个过程开始得更早,但从2010年开始加速。新的立法、移民规则、政策、申请程序和诉讼做法表明,对法治原则的尊重日益减少。本文使用简单且希望没有争议的国际法规范定义和公认的普通法法治原则来分析和批评英国移民控制的关键方面。报告的结论是,随着时间的推移,英国的政策和做法对这些准则和原则表现出越来越大的敌意,对事实、证据和分析采取无知甚至厚颜无耻的冷漠态度,在重要方面扩大了国内法与国际法之间的差距。
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引用次数: 0
European Divergent Approaches to Protection Claims Based on the Eritrean Military/National Service Programme 欧洲对基于厄立特里亚军事/国家服务方案的保护要求的不同做法
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10089
Sara Palacios-Arapiles
Drawing on data from the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, and Switzerland, this article shows that during the process of interpreting the refugee definition and applying it to the context of the Military/National Service Programme (MNSP), the definition is subject to various interpretations and applications. As a result, the treatment of similarly situated Eritrean asylum applications differs from one country to another. The article illustrates that asylum courts from the selected jurisdictions sideline relevant factors that classify the MNSP as slavery by failing to engage normatively with the international law definition of slavery. The findings suggest that a defective incorporation of international legal instruments in the assessment of protection claims based on slavery contributes to conflicting interpretations and applications of the refugee definition and can unduly de-legitimise Eritrean applications for refugee status as ‘unwanted migrants’.
根据英国、瑞典、德国和瑞士的数据,本文表明,在解释难民定义并将其应用于军事/国家服务方案(MNSP)的过程中,该定义受到各种解释和应用的影响。因此,对处境类似的厄立特里亚庇护申请的处理因国而异。文章说明,所选司法管辖区的庇护法院忽略了将MNSP归类为奴隶制的相关因素,因为它们未能规范地参与奴隶制的国际法定义。研究结果表明,在评估基于奴隶制的保护要求时,国际法律文书的不完善结合导致了对难民定义的相互矛盾的解释和适用,并可能不当地使厄立特里亚申请难民身份的申请成为“不受欢迎的移民”。
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引用次数: 0
The Road to the EU’s Accession to the ECHR 欧盟加入欧洲人权公约之路
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10090
Maria-Louiza Deftou
The dual European judicial protection of fundamental rights with the two Courts, namely the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), represents a multi-layered, yet dialectic, model of protection with no formal hierarchy between its components. In the aftermath of Opinion 2/13 and faced with uncontrolled ‘unwanted migration’ flows, the EU judicature defended the principle of mutual trust at any cost and appeared to prioritise the protection of the Dublin regime (the EU responsibility allocation mechanism for examining asylum applications) instead of addressing the novel human rights challenges facing the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Yet, their interplay has entered a new era since the renegotiation of the EU’s accession to the ECHR launched. By analysing the case law of the two Courts, this article thinks anew their relationship to ascertain whether the evolution of the accession project, throughout the latest decade, has affected the protection offered to ‘unwanted migrants’ in Europe.
欧盟法院(CJEU)和欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)这两个法院对基本权利的双重欧洲司法保护,代表了一种多层次但辩证的保护模式,其组成部分之间没有正式的等级关系。在第2/13号意见之后,面对不受控制的“不受欢迎的移民”流动,欧盟司法部门不惜一切代价捍卫相互信任的原则,似乎优先考虑保护都柏林制度(欧盟审查庇护申请的责任分配机制),而不是解决欧洲共同庇护制度(CEAS)面临的新人权挑战。然而,自欧盟加入《欧洲人权公约》的重新谈判启动以来,它们的相互作用进入了一个新时代。通过分析这两个法院的判例法,本文重新思考了它们之间的关系,以确定在最近十年中,加入计划的演变是否影响了对欧洲“不受欢迎的移民”的保护。
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引用次数: 2
The UN Disability Rights Convention and EU Fundamental Rights 《联合国残疾人权利公约》和《欧盟基本权利公约》
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10091
Nicole Busuttil
This article examines the role to be played by the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in the protection of migrants with disabilities within the EU, in view of the apparent invisibility of this population within existing frameworks. It argues that the CRPD’s dual role as a core UN human rights treaty and an international agreement concluded by the EU, which occupies an “integral part” of the EU legal order, interacts with pre-existing (homegrown) sources of fundamental rights obligations within EU law to produce a ‘disability fundamental rights framework’. Accordingly, the CRPD’s substantive protection should act to determine the minimum standard of protection afforded to migrants with disabilities within the EU, without prejudicing the possibility of EU law offering more extensive protection. In so doing, this article demonstrates the emancipatory potential of a ‘disability fundamental rights framework’ vis-à-vis a specific category of (unwanted) migrants and which follows from a principled interpretation of the CRPD’s interaction with EU fundamental rights.
鉴于在现有框架内残疾移民的明显不可见性,本文探讨了《联合国残疾人权利公约》(CRPD)在保护欧盟残疾移民方面应发挥的作用。它认为,《残疾人权利公约》作为联合国核心人权条约和欧盟缔结的国际协议的双重角色,占据了欧盟法律秩序的“组成部分”,与欧盟法律中已有的(本土的)基本权利义务来源相互作用,产生了“残疾人基本权利框架”。因此,《残疾人权利公约》的实质性保护应在不影响欧盟法律提供更广泛保护的可能性的情况下,确定向欧盟境内残疾移民提供保护的最低标准。通过这样做,本文展示了针对-à-vis特定类别(不受欢迎的)移民的“残疾人基本权利框架”的解放潜力,这是对《残疾人权利公约》与欧盟基本权利相互作用的原则性解释。
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引用次数: 0
International Legal Principles, Penal Populism and Criminalisation of ‘Unwanted Migration’ 国际法原则、刑事民粹主义和“不受欢迎的移民”的刑事化
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10092
Marta Minetti
The criminalisation of migration is one of the most explicit ways in which law generates, sustains, and even legitimizes hostility towards “unwanted migrants”. This article will take into examination the criminalisation of “unwanted migration” by the Italian authorities and its relation to internationally established legal principles in the area of human mobility, arguing that the expansion of penal populism constitutes a danger for the balance among them. The article starts with an analysis of human mobility in international law and the “protection through prosecution” paradigm to highlight an inherent harmony of the aims of the legal systems dealing with human mobility from the humanitarian and criminal law perspective. Section two scrutinises the Italian case and the populistic distortion of the provisions and principles entailed in the field of transnational criminal law to counter human mobility. Section three reconnects the national criminalisation of migration with the international legal dimension and argues that the misuse of the transnational organised crime framework ultimately legitimises the violation of human and refugee rights and contravenes key international law principles.
将移民定为刑事犯罪是法律产生、维持甚至使对“不受欢迎的移民”的敌意合法化的最明确方式之一。本文将审查意大利当局对“不受欢迎的移民”的刑事定罪及其与国际上在人口流动领域确立的法律原则的关系,认为刑事民粹主义的扩大对它们之间的平衡构成了危险。本文首先分析了国际法中的人员流动和“通过起诉保护”范式,以突出从人道主义和刑法角度处理人员流动的法律制度目标的内在和谐。第二节详细审查了意大利的案例和民粹主义对跨国刑法领域的规定和原则的歪曲,以反对人员流动。第三节将国家对移民的刑事定罪与国际法律层面重新联系起来,并认为滥用跨国有组织犯罪框架最终使侵犯人权和难民权利的行为合法化,并违反了关键的国际法原则。
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引用次数: 0
The (Many) Rules and Roles of Law in the Regulation of “Unwanted Migration” 管制“不受欢迎的移民”的法律(许多)规则和作用
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-12341490
Violeta Moreno-Lax, N. Vavoula
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引用次数: 0
International Criminal Justice 国际刑事司法
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10086
M. Adigun
Some critics contend that the International Criminal Court (ICC) is selective in its approach to international criminal justice. Thus, they called for withdrawal from the Rome Statute. This call is reflective of Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) to the extent that it constitutes a protest against unequal treatment of the Third World. But what is somewhat overlooked is that the ICC is a court of last resort and that state parties to the Rome Statute are required to prosecute unless they are unwilling or unable. This is called the principle of complementarity. This study therefore examines TWAIL and the Rome Statute complementarity principle within the context of international criminal justice. It finds that the ICC is too eager to intervene and that in the process the Third World is being used as a guinea pig even though selectivity cannot be unequivocally established. It argues that this is hegemonic. To obviate this situation, it is argued that Third World states can prosecute for one another through direct transfer of criminal jurisdiction or through an international organization to prosecute on their behalf. Whenever the ICC wants to intervene in respect of any crime that the state party concerned is required to prosecute, the state party will indicate that another state or an international organization to which it has transferred its jurisdiction is acting as its agent and that it is the one doing the prosecution as the principal. With this, the internal situation of Third World states would have changed as envisaged in the third objective of TWAIL and they will be able to operate within international criminal justice system without being at its receiving end.
一些批评人士认为,国际刑事法院在处理国际刑事司法问题上具有选择性。因此,他们要求退出《罗马规约》。这一呼吁在某种程度上反映了第三世界对国际法的态度(TWAIL),它构成了对第三世界不平等待遇的抗议。但有些被忽视的是,国际刑事法院是最后诉诸的法院,《罗马规约》缔约国必须起诉,除非它们不愿意或没有能力。这就是互补性原则。因此,本研究将在国际刑事司法的范围内审查TWAIL和罗马规约的互补原则。它认为,国际刑事法院太急于进行干预,在这一过程中,第三世界被用作小白鼠,尽管不能明确确定有选择性。它认为这是霸权主义。为了避免这种情况,有人认为第三世界国家可以通过直接移交刑事管辖权或通过国际组织代表它们起诉来相互起诉。每当国际刑事法院就有关缔约国被要求起诉的任何犯罪进行干预时,该缔约国将表明,它已将其管辖权移交给的另一个国家或国际组织是其代理人,而它是作为委托人进行起诉的国家。有了这一点,第三世界国家的内部情况就会如《麻醉品和麻醉品法》第三个目标所设想的那样发生变化,它们将能够在国际刑事司法系统内运作,而不会成为其接受方。
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引用次数: 0
Victims’ Right to Justice, Immunities and New Avenues for International Criminal Justice 受害者的司法权利、豁免和国际刑事司法的新途径
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1163/18719732-bja10085
Alexandre Skander Galand
On account of the immunities which foreign State officials enjoy under international law, universal jurisdiction trials fail to offer justice to victims of crimes orchestrated by State authorities. The ICC Appeals Chamber has affirmed that immunities are inapplicable before international courts as no customary rule providing immunities before international courts has taken shape. While plausible, a critical assessment should still be made of which features an international court should have to be genuinely distinguishable from domestic courts, and thereby not be concerned with immunities. In this paper, it is argued that, unlike domestic courts, certain international criminal courts may be expressly endorsed by the international community as organs which may restore peaceful relations between and among states – the very rationale underlying personal immunity – and, as such, provide victims with access to justice.
由于外国国家官员根据国际法享有豁免,普遍管辖权审判无法为国家当局策划的罪行的受害者伸张正义。国际商会上诉分庭申明,豁免在国际法院不适用,因为没有形成规定在国际法院享有豁免的习惯规则。虽然有道理,但仍应批判性地评估国际法院应真正区别于国内法院的哪些特点,从而不涉及豁免问题。本文认为,与国内法院不同,某些国际刑事法院可以得到国际社会的明确认可,作为可以恢复国家间和国家间和平关系的机构————这是个人豁免的根本理由————并因此向受害者提供诉诸司法的机会。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Community Law Review
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