Abstract The paper argues in favor of considering the absence of material exponence (AOME) of grammatical category a morphological mismatch on a par with established categories such as suppletion and syncretism. It is shown that the phenomenon under review can be integrated into the taxonomy of deviations from canonical inflection as proposed within the framework of Canonical Morphology. Empirical evidence from eleven languages of different genetic, geographic and typological background is presented and discussed. Different kinds of AOME are identified. Their interaction with other non-canonical phenomena is discussed additionally.
{"title":"Absence of material exponence","authors":"T. Stolz, N. Levkovych","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper argues in favor of considering the absence of material exponence (AOME) of grammatical category a morphological mismatch on a par with established categories such as suppletion and syncretism. It is shown that the phenomenon under review can be integrated into the taxonomy of deviations from canonical inflection as proposed within the framework of Canonical Morphology. Empirical evidence from eleven languages of different genetic, geographic and typological background is presented and discussed. Different kinds of AOME are identified. Their interaction with other non-canonical phenomena is discussed additionally.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"273 1","pages":"373 - 400"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75779938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Bagvalal (East Caucasian), native place names show strongly reduced morphological inflection. They combine with spatial suffixes identical to those used on nouns and spatial adverbs and with attributive and plural suffixes identical to those of nominal genitive and plural and thus have mixed adverbial nominal morphology. Place names are unmarked in spatial function but marked in argument position. To occur in the latter, they require a nominal head with an abstract meaning such as ‘village’ or ‘place’. Bagvalal place names are syntactically adverbs rather than nouns. Considering syntax and morphology together, they constitute a morphosyntactic class intermediate between nouns and adverbs. Mixed properties of Bagvalal place names are functionally motivated. Place names are, first of all, locations (hence spatial inflection), but also territories associated with specific ethnic and sub-ethnic groups (hence attributive and plural inflection). I conclude by briefly reviewing evidence from some other East Caucasian languages, to show that Bagvalal is not an exception.
{"title":"Bagvalal place names as adverbs","authors":"Michael Daniel","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Bagvalal (East Caucasian), native place names show strongly reduced morphological inflection. They combine with spatial suffixes identical to those used on nouns and spatial adverbs and with attributive and plural suffixes identical to those of nominal genitive and plural and thus have mixed adverbial nominal morphology. Place names are unmarked in spatial function but marked in argument position. To occur in the latter, they require a nominal head with an abstract meaning such as ‘village’ or ‘place’. Bagvalal place names are syntactically adverbs rather than nouns. Considering syntax and morphology together, they constitute a morphosyntactic class intermediate between nouns and adverbs. Mixed properties of Bagvalal place names are functionally motivated. Place names are, first of all, locations (hence spatial inflection), but also territories associated with specific ethnic and sub-ethnic groups (hence attributive and plural inflection). I conclude by briefly reviewing evidence from some other East Caucasian languages, to show that Bagvalal is not an exception.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"72 1","pages":"297 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82656765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One-Soon Her, Marc Allassonnière-Tang, Bing-Tsiong Li
Abstract In a numeral classifier language, a sortal classifier (C) or a mensural classifier (M) is needed when a noun is quantified by a numeral (Num). Num and C/M are adjacent cross-linguistically, either in a [Num C/M] order or [C/M Num]. Likewise, in a complex numeral with a multiplicative composition, the base may follow the multiplier as in [n×base], e.g., san-bai ‘three hundred’ in Mandarin. However, the base may also precede the multiplier in some languages, thus [base×n]. Interestingly, base and C/M seem to harmonize in word order, i.e., [n×base] numerals appear with a [Num C/M] alignment, and [base×n] numerals, with [C/M Num]. This paper follows up on the explanation of the base-C/M harmonization based on the multiplicative theory of classifiers and verifies it empirically within six language groups in the world’s foremost hotbed of classifier languages: Sinitic, Miao-Yao, Austro-Asiatic, Tai-Kadai, Tibeto-Burman, and Indo-Aryan. Our survey further reveals two interesting facts: base-initial ([base×n]) and C/M-initial ([C/M Num]) orders exist only in Tibeto-Burman (TB) within our dataset. Moreover, the few scarce violations to the base-C/M harmonization are also all in TB and are mostly languages having maintained their original base-initial numerals but borrowed from their base-final and C/M-final neighbors. We thus offer an explanation based on Proto-TB’s base-initial numerals and language contact with neighboring base-final, C/M-final languages.
摘要在数词分类语言中，名词被数词(Num)量化时，既需要排序分类器(C)，也需要计量分类器(M)。Num和C/M在跨语言上是相邻的，要么是[Num C/M]顺序，要么是[C/M Num]顺序。同样地，在一个具有乘法组成的复数中，基数可以跟随乘数，如[n×base]，例如，普通话中的“三百”。然而，在某些语言中，基数也可能在乘数之前，例如[base×n]。有趣的是，base和C/M似乎在词序上是协调的，即[n×base]数字以[Num C/M]排列，[base×n]数字以[C/M Num]排列。本文在基于分类器乘法理论的基础上进一步解释了基- c /M协调，并在世界上最重要的分类器语言温床——汉语、苗瑶语、南亚语、台-加代语、藏-缅语和印度-雅利安六个语群中进行了实证验证。我们的调查进一步揭示了两个有趣的事实:在我们的数据集中，base-initial ([base×n])和C/M-initial ([C/M Num])顺序只存在于藏缅语(TB)中。此外，对基本C/M协调的少数罕见违反也都在TB中，并且大多数语言都保留了原始的基本首字母数字，但借用了基本尾和C/M-尾相邻的语言。因此，我们基于Proto-TB的基本首字母数字以及与邻近的基本韵母、C/ m -韵母语言的语言接触提供了一种解释。
{"title":"Word order of numeral classifiers and numeral bases","authors":"One-Soon Her, Marc Allassonnière-Tang, Bing-Tsiong Li","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In a numeral classifier language, a sortal classifier (C) or a mensural classifier (M) is needed when a noun is quantified by a numeral (Num). Num and C/M are adjacent cross-linguistically, either in a [Num C/M] order or [C/M Num]. Likewise, in a complex numeral with a multiplicative composition, the base may follow the multiplier as in [n×base], e.g., san-bai ‘three hundred’ in Mandarin. However, the base may also precede the multiplier in some languages, thus [base×n]. Interestingly, base and C/M seem to harmonize in word order, i.e., [n×base] numerals appear with a [Num C/M] alignment, and [base×n] numerals, with [C/M Num]. This paper follows up on the explanation of the base-C/M harmonization based on the multiplicative theory of classifiers and verifies it empirically within six language groups in the world’s foremost hotbed of classifier languages: Sinitic, Miao-Yao, Austro-Asiatic, Tai-Kadai, Tibeto-Burman, and Indo-Aryan. Our survey further reveals two interesting facts: base-initial ([base×n]) and C/M-initial ([C/M Num]) orders exist only in Tibeto-Burman (TB) within our dataset. Moreover, the few scarce violations to the base-C/M harmonization are also all in TB and are mostly languages having maintained their original base-initial numerals but borrowed from their base-final and C/M-final neighbors. We thus offer an explanation based on Proto-TB’s base-initial numerals and language contact with neighboring base-final, C/M-final languages.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"15 1","pages":"421 - 452"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74143073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper gives an overview of differential place marking phenomena and formulates a number of universals that seem to be well supported. Differential place marking is a situation in which the coding of locative, allative or ablative roles depends on subclasses of nouns, in particular place names (toponyms), inanimate common nouns and human nouns. When languages show asymmetric coding differences depending on such subclasses, they show shorter (and often zero) coding of place roles with toponyms, and longer (often adpositional rather than affixal) coding of place roles with human nouns. Like differential object marking, differential place marking can be explained by frequency asymmetries, expectations derived from frequencies, and the general preference for efficient coding. I also argue that differential place marking patterns provide an argument against the need to appeal to ambiguity avoidance to explain differential object marking.
{"title":"Differential place marking and differential object marking","authors":"Martin Haspelmath","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper gives an overview of differential place marking phenomena and formulates a number of universals that seem to be well supported. Differential place marking is a situation in which the coding of locative, allative or ablative roles depends on subclasses of nouns, in particular place names (toponyms), inanimate common nouns and human nouns. When languages show asymmetric coding differences depending on such subclasses, they show shorter (and often zero) coding of place roles with toponyms, and longer (often adpositional rather than affixal) coding of place roles with human nouns. Like differential object marking, differential place marking can be explained by frequency asymmetries, expectations derived from frequencies, and the general preference for efficient coding. I also argue that differential place marking patterns provide an argument against the need to appeal to ambiguity avoidance to explain differential object marking.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"256 1","pages":"313 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79520601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In response to the typology of spatial interrogatives (Stolz et al. 2017b), the morphologically corresponding spatial deictic declaratives pursuant to the three basic relations place – goal – source are brought into focus for a comparison of both related paradigms. A canonical model (Corbett 2005) is applied to assess paradigms of spatial deictic forms. Logical outcomes considering all possible distributions of (a)syncretic patterns are discussed. To prepare our data for statistical evaluations, both parallels and differences between the two related paradigms are surveyed. Our corpus data is presented to outline what a typology of spatial deictic paradigms should encompass.
{"title":"Towards a typology of spatial deictic expressions","authors":"Julia Nintemann, Maja Robbers","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In response to the typology of spatial interrogatives (Stolz et al. 2017b), the morphologically corresponding spatial deictic declaratives pursuant to the three basic relations place – goal – source are brought into focus for a comparison of both related paradigms. A canonical model (Corbett 2005) is applied to assess paradigms of spatial deictic forms. Logical outcomes considering all possible distributions of (a)syncretic patterns are discussed. To prepare our data for statistical evaluations, both parallels and differences between the two related paradigms are surveyed. Our corpus data is presented to outline what a typology of spatial deictic paradigms should encompass.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"29 1","pages":"335 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80122784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article deals with the notions of deaccusative and antipassive reflexives. The term ‘deaccusative’ is used in the literature to refer to what appears to be a derivation reflexivizing a transitive verb and replacing its direct object with an oblique object. The term suggests a unitary operation, and its function has been identified, in recent work, as antipassive. The aim of this paper is to show that, though some ‘deaccusatives’ are antipassive, the group of verbs sometimes referred to as deaccusatives is, in fact, a heterogeneous conglomerate comprising a few minor constructions but also pairings of reflexive and non-reflexive verbs that are due to alternations in argument marking with specific lexical classes or simply to diachronic accident.
{"title":"On the heterogeneity of deaccusative reflexives","authors":"Axel Holvoet","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article deals with the notions of deaccusative and antipassive reflexives. The term ‘deaccusative’ is used in the literature to refer to what appears to be a derivation reflexivizing a transitive verb and replacing its direct object with an oblique object. The term suggests a unitary operation, and its function has been identified, in recent work, as antipassive. The aim of this paper is to show that, though some ‘deaccusatives’ are antipassive, the group of verbs sometimes referred to as deaccusatives is, in fact, a heterogeneous conglomerate comprising a few minor constructions but also pairings of reflexive and non-reflexive verbs that are due to alternations in argument marking with specific lexical classes or simply to diachronic accident.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"8 1","pages":"401 - 419"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78944174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper documents the properties and realizations of the actional (aspectual, Aktionsart) class of two-phase verbs, with a particular focus on languages with inflectional (obligatory) grammatical aspect. The paper adopts a descriptive (non-formal) and typological perspective. Two-phase verbs are defined, for the purposes of the paper, as verbs whose inflectional (obligatory) aspect grams (e.g., imperfective, progressive, etc.) can express both the durative phase of the situation leading up to the culmination, as well as the durative phase resulting from that culmination. The realizations of the class in perfective-imperfective languages are compared to realizations in two languages with idiosyncratic aspect systems, Belhare and Nyakyusa.
{"title":"Two-phase verbs: a crosslinguistic look at an actional class","authors":"J. Polančec","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2021-1042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2021-1042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper documents the properties and realizations of the actional (aspectual, Aktionsart) class of two-phase verbs, with a particular focus on languages with inflectional (obligatory) grammatical aspect. The paper adopts a descriptive (non-formal) and typological perspective. Two-phase verbs are defined, for the purposes of the paper, as verbs whose inflectional (obligatory) aspect grams (e.g., imperfective, progressive, etc.) can express both the durative phase of the situation leading up to the culmination, as well as the durative phase resulting from that culmination. The realizations of the class in perfective-imperfective languages are compared to realizations in two languages with idiosyncratic aspect systems, Belhare and Nyakyusa.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"57 1 1","pages":"467 - 506"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89730507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Pazar (Atina) and Ardeshen are the two western dialects of Laz spoken in Turkey. Pazar exhibits alternating case patterns for arguments depending on their semantic denotation, while Ardeshen has lost its morphological case system. Yet, both dialects make use of a rich verbal agreement system. This paper aims to investigate the impact of the absence of case morphology on Ardeshen with specific emphasis on subjecthood. We will argue that Pazar Laz, retaining differentiated case marking for the subjects, typologically constitutes a clear example of Initiation-language. Ardeshen, on the other hand, has lost some of the Initiation-language properties available in Pazar, which we will argue to be correlated with the loss of its morphological case system.
{"title":"The loss of case system in Ardeshen Laz and its morphosyntactic consequences","authors":"Balkız Öztürk","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Pazar (Atina) and Ardeshen are the two western dialects of Laz spoken in Turkey. Pazar exhibits alternating case patterns for arguments depending on their semantic denotation, while Ardeshen has lost its morphological case system. Yet, both dialects make use of a rich verbal agreement system. This paper aims to investigate the impact of the absence of case morphology on Ardeshen with specific emphasis on subjecthood. We will argue that Pazar Laz, retaining differentiated case marking for the subjects, typologically constitutes a clear example of Initiation-language. Ardeshen, on the other hand, has lost some of the Initiation-language properties available in Pazar, which we will argue to be correlated with the loss of its morphological case system.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"12 1","pages":"193 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81002498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Most Nakh-Daghestanian languages have gender (or noun class) agreement in the verb, but do not have person agreement. This is the case with Chechen and Ingush, which are genetically the closest to Batsbi. Batsbi, by contrast, has developed person agreement with the subject in the verb along with gender agreement. This is assumed to be due to the strong influence of Georgian, which has long been the second language of Batsbi speakers. In Georgian, the verb shows person agreement with the subject as well as with the direct or indirect object. Present-day Batsbi, presumably inspired by the polypersonal agreement of Georgian, further develops the cliticization of non-subject personal pronouns. To put it simply, it seems as though Batsbi attempts to express what a Georgian verb may encode in a single, finite form by means of a verb and a personal pronoun that is cliticized to it.
{"title":"The development of person agreement and the cliticization of personal pronouns in Batsbi","authors":"Y. Kojima","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Most Nakh-Daghestanian languages have gender (or noun class) agreement in the verb, but do not have person agreement. This is the case with Chechen and Ingush, which are genetically the closest to Batsbi. Batsbi, by contrast, has developed person agreement with the subject in the verb along with gender agreement. This is assumed to be due to the strong influence of Georgian, which has long been the second language of Batsbi speakers. In Georgian, the verb shows person agreement with the subject as well as with the direct or indirect object. Present-day Batsbi, presumably inspired by the polypersonal agreement of Georgian, further develops the cliticization of non-subject personal pronouns. To put it simply, it seems as though Batsbi attempts to express what a Georgian verb may encode in a single, finite form by means of a verb and a personal pronoun that is cliticized to it.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"23 1","pages":"275 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84960748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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