Abstract Pain Constructions (PCs) constitute a class of experiential constructions expressing situations that involve unpleasant physical experiences (e.g. headache, burning eyes, dizziness, etc.). Previous cross-linguistic comparisons have shown that, though languages do not have dedicated morphosyntactic structures for encoding pain, there are certain constructions that are more likely to express physical experiences. Based on original data elicited by means of a situational questionnaire, this paper aims at analyzing the semantic and syntactic properties of PCs in modern Arabic dialects and to make typological generalizations about their cross-dialect variation. Benefiting from insights from both linguistic typology and contact linguistics, the study eventually shows that, despite considerable lexicosemantic and morphosyntactic variation, PCs in Arabic can be reduced to two main syntactic types: locational and inverse constructions.
{"title":"Pain Constructions in modern Arabic dialects: a typological overview","authors":"S. Manfredi","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1061","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Pain Constructions (PCs) constitute a class of experiential constructions expressing situations that involve unpleasant physical experiences (e.g. headache, burning eyes, dizziness, etc.). Previous cross-linguistic comparisons have shown that, though languages do not have dedicated morphosyntactic structures for encoding pain, there are certain constructions that are more likely to express physical experiences. Based on original data elicited by means of a situational questionnaire, this paper aims at analyzing the semantic and syntactic properties of PCs in modern Arabic dialects and to make typological generalizations about their cross-dialect variation. Benefiting from insights from both linguistic typology and contact linguistics, the study eventually shows that, despite considerable lexicosemantic and morphosyntactic variation, PCs in Arabic can be reduced to two main syntactic types: locational and inverse constructions.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"55 1","pages":"501 - 523"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83718875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines verbal sequences in Arabic dialects which can correspond either to complex sentences with embedded clauses or to complex predicates with reduction of one or the other verb. The first part is devoted to complex sentences where completives and subordinates of purpose and consequence are introduced by a marker that is generally specific, but sometimes polyfunctional. The second part explores embedding without a subordinator (with distinct or identical subjects), as well as with cases of complex predicates, sometimes with reduction of V1 (cases of auxiliarization and pragmatization), sometimes of V2 (rare cases of serial verbs).
{"title":"From embedded propositions to complex predicates","authors":"Catherine Taine-Cheikh","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1066","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines verbal sequences in Arabic dialects which can correspond either to complex sentences with embedded clauses or to complex predicates with reduction of one or the other verb. The first part is devoted to complex sentences where completives and subordinates of purpose and consequence are introduced by a marker that is generally specific, but sometimes polyfunctional. The second part explores embedding without a subordinator (with distinct or identical subjects), as well as with cases of complex predicates, sometimes with reduction of V1 (cases of auxiliarization and pragmatization), sometimes of V2 (rare cases of serial verbs).","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"1 1","pages":"643 - 684"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89654797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Arabic is a typical noun-attribute language with head-driven agreement in gender and number. As for definite attributive NPs, the default in most spoken Arabic varieties is definite marking of both the noun and the adjective – a feature that is rarely found cross-linguistically. This article shows that there are also cases of reversed word order, lacking agreement in gender, and dialects with definite marking on the nominal head. In dialects at the northern fringe of the Fertile Crescent, definiteness is by default only marked on the adjective. In these dialects, adjectival attributes are structurally identical to nominal attributes, including the use of the construct state with feminine heads.
{"title":"Towards a typology of attributive adjectives in Arabic dialects","authors":"S. Procházka","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1062","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Arabic is a typical noun-attribute language with head-driven agreement in gender and number. As for definite attributive NPs, the default in most spoken Arabic varieties is definite marking of both the noun and the adjective – a feature that is rarely found cross-linguistically. This article shows that there are also cases of reversed word order, lacking agreement in gender, and dialects with definite marking on the nominal head. In dialects at the northern fringe of the Fertile Crescent, definiteness is by default only marked on the adjective. In these dialects, adjectival attributes are structurally identical to nominal attributes, including the use of the construct state with feminine heads.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"51 1","pages":"525 - 553"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74037146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper describes and compares the strategies used in Arabic dialects to encode the progressive aspect, in order to show their similarities and what sets them apart from one another, as well as to situate them within cross-linguistic tendencies. Drawing on a wide variety of data, the paper shows the different ways the progressive aspect was (or is being) grammaticalized in Arabic dialects in light of the typologically common paths of grammaticalization. These paths involve for some dialects the reorganization of their aspectual categories, and thus provide an interesting perspective to look at the evolution of aspectual systems in Arabic varieties.
{"title":"The typology of progressive constructions in Arabic dialects","authors":"Z. Sellami","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1063","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper describes and compares the strategies used in Arabic dialects to encode the progressive aspect, in order to show their similarities and what sets them apart from one another, as well as to situate them within cross-linguistic tendencies. Drawing on a wide variety of data, the paper shows the different ways the progressive aspect was (or is being) grammaticalized in Arabic dialects in light of the typologically common paths of grammaticalization. These paths involve for some dialects the reorganization of their aspectual categories, and thus provide an interesting perspective to look at the evolution of aspectual systems in Arabic varieties.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"25 1","pages":"555 - 582"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81229153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the existential domain, Classical Arabic expresses the ground > figure perspectivization in locational predication by a mere change in constituent order, but Modern Arabic varieties have variously grammaticalized existential particles that tend to acquire verb-like properties. In the possessive domain, Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic have a typical oblique-possessor (or locational possessive) construction in which the possessor phrase is flagged by a preposition. In the vernacular varieties, this preposition has become a possessive predicator with some verbal properties, whose coding frame is similar (although not fully identical) to that of a transitive verb. More radical changes in the existential and possessive domains are attested in pidginized/creolized Arabic varieties.
{"title":"Existential predication and predicative possession in Arabic dialects","authors":"Denis Creissels","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1064","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the existential domain, Classical Arabic expresses the ground > figure perspectivization in locational predication by a mere change in constituent order, but Modern Arabic varieties have variously grammaticalized existential particles that tend to acquire verb-like properties. In the possessive domain, Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic have a typical oblique-possessor (or locational possessive) construction in which the possessor phrase is flagged by a preposition. In the vernacular varieties, this preposition has become a possessive predicator with some verbal properties, whose coding frame is similar (although not fully identical) to that of a transitive verb. More radical changes in the existential and possessive domains are attested in pidginized/creolized Arabic varieties.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"3 1","pages":"583 - 612"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85134121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper proposes a usage-based account of a largely productive pattern of dative experiential sentences in Modern Hebrew that stand in contra-distinction to their parallels in Indo-European languages. In the pattern under consideration, the dative-Experiencer is non-topical, following an invariable predicate in masculine singular form. The paper seeks to prove that the construction in Hebrew is essentially a subjectless construction. Its origin is traced back to Biblical Hebrew, but its proliferation in present-day language is assumed to be contact-facilitated by a parallel subject-like dative-Experiencer construction widespread in Slavic and Yiddish languages.
{"title":"What makes the dative-experiencer construction in Modern Hebrew different from its counterparts in European languages?","authors":"R. Halevy","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1057","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper proposes a usage-based account of a largely productive pattern of dative experiential sentences in Modern Hebrew that stand in contra-distinction to their parallels in Indo-European languages. In the pattern under consideration, the dative-Experiencer is non-topical, following an invariable predicate in masculine singular form. The paper seeks to prove that the construction in Hebrew is essentially a subjectless construction. Its origin is traced back to Biblical Hebrew, but its proliferation in present-day language is assumed to be contact-facilitated by a parallel subject-like dative-Experiencer construction widespread in Slavic and Yiddish languages.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"1 1","pages":"379 - 417"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88151585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The purposes of this study are to investigate and describe the varying functions of the comitative preposition ábə̀ with Throughout this paper the preposition ábə̀ will be glossed in small caps with in order to reflect the fact that its meaning has extended beyond ‘with’ to a variety of other grammatical functions. in Gavar, compare these functions with cross-linguistic observations and propose an explanation for their diachronic development. This particle has a wide variety of functions. Firstly, it is used as a preposition marking phrases with a wide range of semantic roles. Secondly, its use has extended to Noun Phrase coordination, a common occurrence cross-linguistically. Its clause linking functions include its use as a temporal/sequential marker and elaboration. Of special interest to typologists is its predicative/complementizer use. This function is not observed in nearby languages and appears to be unusual cross-linguistically. Informed by previous research on the behavior of the comitative/instrumental preposition with cross-linguistically, general grammaticalization principles and an analysis of the semantic links between the different functions based on shared semantic features, a semantic map/network is provided showing the possible paths of development for the various functions of ábə̀ with in Gavar.
{"title":"Varying functions of the comitative preposition ábə̀ in Gavar","authors":"M. Viljoen","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1059","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The purposes of this study are to investigate and describe the varying functions of the comitative preposition ábə̀ with Throughout this paper the preposition ábə̀ will be glossed in small caps with in order to reflect the fact that its meaning has extended beyond ‘with’ to a variety of other grammatical functions. in Gavar, compare these functions with cross-linguistic observations and propose an explanation for their diachronic development. This particle has a wide variety of functions. Firstly, it is used as a preposition marking phrases with a wide range of semantic roles. Secondly, its use has extended to Noun Phrase coordination, a common occurrence cross-linguistically. Its clause linking functions include its use as a temporal/sequential marker and elaboration. Of special interest to typologists is its predicative/complementizer use. This function is not observed in nearby languages and appears to be unusual cross-linguistically. Informed by previous research on the behavior of the comitative/instrumental preposition with cross-linguistically, general grammaticalization principles and an analysis of the semantic links between the different functions based on shared semantic features, a semantic map/network is provided showing the possible paths of development for the various functions of ábə̀ with in Gavar.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"25 1","pages":"449 - 495"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82617816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper presents the results of an investigation into the morphosyntactic expression of three-participant events in Romani and situates Romani within a typological framework (Margetts & Austin 2007). It provides an inventory of attested strategies and first insights into their distribution across the dialects of Romani. My research indicates that three-place predicate and oblique/adjunct strategies are the principal means for encoding three-participant events in Romani, each applicable for several event types. However, dialectal differences become apparent. For each Romani dialect cluster, one variety is particularly focussed upon, namely: Kalderaš (Vlax), Arli (Balkan), East Slovak Romani (Central), Sinti (Northwestern), and Lithuanian Romani (Northeastern).
{"title":"Three-participant events in Romani","authors":"Melanie Schippling","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1058","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper presents the results of an investigation into the morphosyntactic expression of three-participant events in Romani and situates Romani within a typological framework (Margetts & Austin 2007). It provides an inventory of attested strategies and first insights into their distribution across the dialects of Romani. My research indicates that three-place predicate and oblique/adjunct strategies are the principal means for encoding three-participant events in Romani, each applicable for several event types. However, dialectal differences become apparent. For each Romani dialect cluster, one variety is particularly focussed upon, namely: Kalderaš (Vlax), Arli (Balkan), East Slovak Romani (Central), Sinti (Northwestern), and Lithuanian Romani (Northeastern).","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"7 1","pages":"419 - 448"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80962439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present paper presents a descriptive and analytical account of the various functions of the morpheme ko in Miluo, a Xiang variety of Chinese. This morpheme is used as a classifier, genitive, possessive, pronominal, relative clause marker, nominalizer and as a sentence-final stance-marking marker. We also illustrate the use of ko as a demonstrative pronoun and prenominal topic marker. We discuss these functions in the light of the diachronic development of nominalizers and topic markers. Our findings provide support for proposals concerning the pathways of grammaticalization that have either been conjectured or attested in various languages, specifically the relation between adnominal markers and nominalization and the relation between demonstratives and topic markers.
{"title":"Polygrammaticalization: the morpheme ko in the Miluo Xiang dialect","authors":"Man Lu","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1054","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present paper presents a descriptive and analytical account of the various functions of the morpheme ko in Miluo, a Xiang variety of Chinese. This morpheme is used as a classifier, genitive, possessive, pronominal, relative clause marker, nominalizer and as a sentence-final stance-marking marker. We also illustrate the use of ko as a demonstrative pronoun and prenominal topic marker. We discuss these functions in the light of the diachronic development of nominalizers and topic markers. Our findings provide support for proposals concerning the pathways of grammaticalization that have either been conjectured or attested in various languages, specifically the relation between adnominal markers and nominalization and the relation between demonstratives and topic markers.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"4 1","pages":"239 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73359036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper investigates discontinuous reduplication (DR), a pattern where reduplicant and base are separated by other material, by annotating a 214-example dataset collected from a 99-language sample. Several items turned out to serve as interposing elements, although their nature does not seem to correlate with function, unlike the category of the base. DR’s functions are a subset of those associated with reduplication cross-linguistically. All languages displaying DR also present contiguous reduplication, suggesting a contiguous reduplication > discontinuous reduplication hierarchy. Finally, a corpus-based analysis of Italian (lacking DR according to grammars) unveiled a wealth of DR patterns, suggesting that corpora are essential for the typological enterprise.
{"title":"Discontinuous reduplication: a typological sketch","authors":"Simone Mattiola, F. Masini","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2022-1055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1055","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper investigates discontinuous reduplication (DR), a pattern where reduplicant and base are separated by other material, by annotating a 214-example dataset collected from a 99-language sample. Several items turned out to serve as interposing elements, although their nature does not seem to correlate with function, unlike the category of the base. DR’s functions are a subset of those associated with reduplication cross-linguistically. All languages displaying DR also present contiguous reduplication, suggesting a contiguous reduplication > discontinuous reduplication hierarchy. Finally, a corpus-based analysis of Italian (lacking DR according to grammars) unveiled a wealth of DR patterns, suggesting that corpora are essential for the typological enterprise.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"57 1","pages":"271 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73532691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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