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Violent Pasts, Difficult Confrontations: On the Armenian Genocide and Hirschkind’s “The Feeling of History” 暴力的粘贴,艰难的对抗——论亚美尼亚种族灭绝与赫施金德的《历史的感觉》
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2107354
Pınar Kemerli
The violent expulsion of Ottoman Armenians from their homelands between 1915 and 1918 had been erased from Turkish historiography and collective memory. If and when this past is addressed, the official narrative echoes Turkey’s second president İnönü’s statements at the Lausanne Conference: that Armenians betrayed “the generosity of the country in which they lived for centuries in comfort and plenty.” This narrative of Armenian betrayal is so pervasive that even referring to the mass killings of an estimated million Armenians as genocide is a dangerous statement that may result in ostracization, imprisonment, and sometimes violent repercussions and death. Given this ubiquitous denialism, many survivors follow Heranuş in spending their lives hiding who they truly are, turning the original act of violence into a transgenerational trauma for Turkey’s remaining Armenian population. As I read Hirschkind’s masterful reading of the Andalucismo and stories and writings of the thinkers, poets, musicians and activists associated with this tradition, Çetin’s description of the utter unsettlement of herself and her world upon finding out her roots, and how she then rebuilt her sense of identity and life kept coming back to me (Çetin became a prominent human rights lawyer following her grandmother’s revelation). Hirschkind’s book analyzes the Andalucismo as a “modern tradition of critical reflection on the norms of European politics and culture based on a cultivated appreciation for the histories and legacies of southern Iberia’s Muslim and Jewish societies.” Advocates of this tradition push back against official historiographies that disavow the
1915年至1918年间奥斯曼亚美尼亚人被暴力驱逐出家园的事件已从土耳其史学和集体记忆中抹去。如果谈到这段过去,官方的说法与土耳其第二任总统伊农努在洛桑会议上的声明相呼应:亚美尼亚人背叛了“这个国家的慷慨,他们在这个国家舒适富足地生活了几个世纪。“这种关于亚美尼亚人背叛的说法非常普遍,甚至将估计有100万亚美尼亚人被大规模屠杀称为种族灭绝都是一种危险的说法,可能会导致排斥、监禁,有时还会造成暴力后果和死亡。鉴于这种无处不在的否认,许多幸存者跟随赫拉努什,一生都在隐藏自己的真实身份,将最初的暴力行为变成了土耳其剩余亚美尼亚人口的跨性别创伤。当我读到赫施金德对安达卢西亚主义的大师级阅读,以及与这一传统相关的思想家、诗人、音乐家和活动家的故事和作品时,切廷描述了她自己和她的世界在找到自己的根源时的极度不安,我不断想起她是如何重建自己的身份感和生活的(切廷在祖母的揭露后成为了一名著名的人权律师)。Hirschkind的书将安达卢西亚主义分析为“对欧洲政治和文化规范进行批判性反思的现代传统,其基础是对伊比利亚南部穆斯林和犹太社会的历史和遗产的培养。”
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引用次数: 0
The Pain of History: Reflections on Charles Hirschkind’s “The Feeling of History. Islam, Romanticism and Andalusia” 历史的痛苦:对查尔斯·赫施金德《历史的感觉》的反思。伊斯兰,浪漫主义和安达卢西亚"
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2107355
N. Fadil
In his eloquent and subtle ethnography, The Feelings of History , Charles Hirschkind carries us in a di ff erent temporal and sensorial horizon. One where Andalusia doesn ’ t appear as a bygone past but continues to inform and structure the experiences of contemporary Europe. One where Spain is not solely de fi ned through the Reconquista and its Catholic identity, but where the moorings of the Muslims and the Jews continue to animate the curved landscapes of Granada. Reading Hirschkind ’ s ethnography reminded me of an encounter with a tour guide a few years ago at the majestuous Alhambra palace in Granada. The tour was presented as an alternative, decolonial, experience of Alhambra and took place in the framework of the yearly Critical Muslim Studies Summer School organized by Hatem Bazian, Ramon Grosfoguel and Salman Sayyid. I believe the tour guide ’ s name was Abubakr, and he was of Moroccan origin but had been living in Spain for several years. As he welcomed us at the entrance gate of the palace, he started by highlighting how the architectural grandeur of the building that we were about to discover was a testament to the majesty of the emirate of Granada. His exposé started by situating the construction of the Alhambra in the history of the Nasrid Emirate, its strategic importance as a fi nal stronghold of Muslim rule in Spain, and the cultural, intellectual, and technological advancements brought by Andalusia. Then the tone of this voice changed as he arrived at the events preceding the surrender of Abu Abdallah Muhammed XII, the last Emir of Granada, to the military forces of Fer-dinand of Aragon and Isabella de Castile on the 2nd of January 1492. At that moment, he halted his words for a few seconds, clearly a ff ected, and continued with tears on his eyes: “ I am sorry, but recalling this moment is very sensitive for all Muslims in the world. ” The memory of Andalus continues to live. It lives in the tears of Abubakr, it lives in the memory of
查尔斯·赫施金在其雄辩而微妙的民族志《历史的感觉》中,将我们带入了一个不同的时间和感官视野。安达卢西亚并没有成为过去,而是继续为当代欧洲的经历提供信息和结构。在这里,西班牙不仅通过重新征服和其天主教身份而被定义,而且穆斯林和犹太人的停泊地继续活跃着格拉纳达弯曲的景观。阅读赫施金的民族志让我想起几年前在格拉纳达雄伟的阿尔罕布拉宫与导游的一次会面。这次旅行是在哈特姆·巴赞、拉蒙·格罗福格尔和萨尔曼·赛义德组织的年度批判性穆斯林研究暑期学校的框架内进行的,是阿尔罕布拉的一次非殖民化的另类体验。我相信导游的名字叫阿布巴克尔,他是摩洛哥人,但已经在西班牙生活了好几年。当他在宫殿的大门迎接我们时,他首先强调了我们即将发现的这座建筑的宏伟建筑是格拉纳达酋长国威严的证明。他的展览首先将阿尔罕布拉宫的建设置于纳斯里德酋长国的历史中,它作为西班牙穆斯林统治的最终据点的战略重要性,以及安达卢西亚带来的文化、知识和技术进步。1492年1月2日,格拉纳达最后一位埃米尔阿布·阿卜杜拉·穆罕默德十二世向阿拉贡的费尔迪南德和伊莎贝拉·德·卡斯蒂利亚的军队投降。在那一刻,他停顿了几秒钟,显然没有反应,然后继续流着眼泪:“对不起,但回忆起这一刻对世界上所有穆斯林来说都是非常敏感的。”安达卢斯的记忆仍然存在。它活在阿布巴卡尔的泪水中,它活在
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引用次数: 0
The Remains of Power: Meaning and Function of Regalia in Madagascar 权力的遗迹:马达加斯加王权的意义与功能
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2105281
Antonio Cerella
ABSTRACT It has become commonplace to define sovereignty as an almost divine and transcendent power, a concept which has its roots in the ancient Roman world. Following Foucault’s lead, for example, Giorgio Agamben has argued that the political capture of life represents the original paradigm of the entire history of Western civilization. This ontological and Western-centric reading of sovereignty has had an enormous influence on the social and human sciences. Taking its cue from Ernst Kantorowicz’s insights into the ‘duality’ of power, this article problematizes Agamben’s reading by exploring an alternative paradigm, which conceives sovereignty as a ‘chronotopic apparatus’ and ordering ritual. Through an analysis of the meaning and function of royal remains (regalia), effigies and ritual practices in western Madagascar, the essay shows a different understanding of sovereignty and of its symbolism, which can be used to articulate an alternative genealogy of political power.
主权是一种近乎神圣和超越的权力,这一概念起源于古罗马世界,已经成为一种普遍现象。例如,在福柯的领导下,乔治·阿甘本认为,对生命的政治捕捉代表了整个西方文明史的原始范式。这种以本体论和西方为中心的主权解读对社会科学和人文科学产生了巨大影响。本文借鉴了Ernst Kantorowicz对权力“二元性”的见解,通过探索另一种范式,将主权视为“时间主题装置”和秩序仪式,对阿甘本的阅读提出了问题。通过对马达加斯加西部王室遗骸、肖像和仪式实践的意义和功能的分析,本文展示了对主权及其象征意义的不同理解,这可以用来阐明另一种政治权力谱系。
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引用次数: 0
A Cartographic Exercise 制图练习
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-08-02 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2107356
A. Eldridge
In his short piece “The Study of Geography” Franz Boas distinguishes between a naturalist disposition arising “from the logical and aesthetical demands of the human mind,” and what he terms “cosmography” which “has its source in the personal feeling of man toward the world, towards the phenomena surrounding him.” In order to exegete this latter analytic sensibility, the anthropologist marshals the words of Goethe:
Franz Boas在他的短篇作品《地理研究》中区分了“源于人类心灵的逻辑和美学需求”的自然主义倾向和他所说的“宇宙观”,后者“源于人对世界和周围现象的个人感觉”,人类学家整理了歌德的话:
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引用次数: 0
Politics as a Confession: Confronting the Enemy Within 政治是一种忏悔:直面内心的敌人
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-08-02 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2105280
M. Dean, Daniel Zamora
ABSTRACT In this article, we claim, firstly, that the turn to an “ethical” politics focused on subjectivity and its transformation, announced by post-structuralist theorists in the 1970s, can be found today in forms of progressive politics, illustrated by struggles against racism and their articulation by consultants and educators. Secondly, this turn entails targeting the “enemy within,” whether it be the inner fascist (Guattari, Foucault) or white privilege (Di Angelo, Kendi). Rather than an extension of Lasch’s therapeutic “culture of narcissism,” it is a turn to practices reminiscent of public rituals of expiation of guilt and acts of purification (exomologesis) characterizing what Weber referred to as “sects.” Pace Foucault, the “main danger” lies not in the “subjectifying” practices of the human sciences descended from auricular confession and the Christian pastorate, but rather the displacement of formal politics and attendant “civil religion” (Bellah) by conflicts between charismatic sects claiming exemplary subjectivity and virtuosity.
摘要在这篇文章中,我们首先声称,后结构主义理论家在20世纪70年代宣布的向以主体性为中心的“伦理”政治的转变及其转变,今天可以在进步政治的形式中找到,反对种族主义的斗争以及咨询师和教育工作者的阐述就是例证。其次,这一转变需要针对“内部敌人”,无论是内部法西斯(Guattari、Foucault)还是白人特权(Di Angelo、Kendi)。与其说是拉施治疗性“自恋文化”的延伸,不如说是转向了让人想起公共仪式的做法,即赎罪和净化行为(exomologesis),这些行为被韦伯称为“教派”,“主要的危险”不在于源自耳道忏悔和基督教牧师的人文科学的“主体化”实践,而在于形式政治和随之而来的“公民宗教”(Bellah)被声称具有模范主观性和精湛技艺的魅力教派之间的冲突所取代。
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引用次数: 0
In the Antechamber of Power: Sovereign Divisibility from Schiller to Schmitt 在权力前厅:从席勒到施密特的主权分割
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-29 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2105279
Arthur Bradley
ABSTRACT In this article, I offer an architectonic of what Carl Schmitt calls the “antechamber of power from Friedrich Schiller, through Franz Kafka, to Walter Benjamin. To summarize my argument, I contend that the “antechamber of power” may always have been a supplementary space within the conceptual imaginary of sovereignty, but Schiller, Kafka, Benjamin, and Schmitt re-imagine it as the privileged space of an originary partage, sharing or division of power. If Jean Bodin defines sovereign power as “indivisible,” I instead trace the self-division of sovereignty into what Jacques Derrida famously calls “plus d’un” places of power. In a series of readings of philosophical, historical, and literary representations of the antechamber, I show how the allegedly private chamber of power occupied by the sovereign alone constitutively divides or itself into a series of new political antechambers occupied by a new class of political bodies: Schiller’s counsellor, Kafka’s bureaucrat, Benjamin’s clerk.
摘要在这篇文章中,我提供了一个卡尔·施密特所说的“权力的前室”的建筑学,从弗里德里希·席勒到弗朗茨·卡夫卡,再到沃尔特·本雅明。为了总结我的论点,我认为“权力的前室”可能一直是主权概念想象中的一个补充空间,但席勒、卡夫卡、本雅明,施密特将其重新想象为一个原始的共享或权力划分的特权空间。如果让·博丁将主权权力定义为“不可分割”,那么我将把主权的自我划分追溯到雅克·德里达著名的“加上”权力的地方。在一系列关于前室的哲学、历史和文学表现的阅读中,我展示了所谓的由君主单独占据的私人权力室是如何按照宪法将自己划分为一系列新的政治前室的,这些政治前室由一类新的政治体体占据:席勒的顾问、卡夫卡的官僚、本杰明的办事员。
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引用次数: 0
The Bronze Sandal, or a Defense of Cosmic Refusal 青铜凉鞋,或宇宙拒绝的防御
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/1462317x.2022.2095857
S. Dowdy
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引用次数: 0
Charismatic Politics: From Relics to Portraits 魅力政治:从遗迹到肖像
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/1462317X.2022.2105278
M. Herrero
ABSTRACT In his book Le portrait du roi, Louis Marin seems to continue Ernst Kantorowicz’s work on the Middle Ages, extending it to Early Modernity. Marin’s book adds another body to the historical and juridical political bodies of Kantorowicz’s King described in The Two King’s Bodies, namely the portrait of the King. According to Marin, this body drives the interchange between the historical and juridical bodies; hence, the absolutist king has three bodies in one: the historical, the semiotic-sacramental, and the juridical. Following Kantorowicz and Marin’s argumentative line, this paper addresses the ways in which absent or dead bodies can act politically, in particular, the shift in political legitimation that goes hand in hand with the transition from a politics of relics to a politics of images.
摘要路易斯·马林在他的《中世纪肖像》一书中,似乎延续了恩斯特·坎托罗维奇对中世纪的研究,并将其延伸到了早期现代性。马林的书为《两个国王的身体》中描述的坎托罗维奇国王的历史和司法政治机构增加了另一个身体,即国王的肖像。根据马林的说法,这个机构推动了历史机构和司法机构之间的交流;因此,专制主义的国王有三个一体的身体:历史的,符号圣礼的和司法的。根据Kantorowicz和Marin的争论路线,本文探讨了缺席或死亡的尸体在政治上的行为方式,特别是政治合法性的转变,这与从遗迹政治向图像政治的转变密切相关。
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引用次数: 0
Divine Kinship: Towards an Ethnographic Theory of Political Theology 神圣的亲属关系:走向政治神学的民族志理论
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/1462317x.2022.2095855
Lucia Michelutti
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引用次数: 0
Between Swadesh (a Land of One’s Own) and Swajan (One’s Own People): Political Theology and Being Muslim in Bengal in the Late Nineteenth Century 在Swadesh(自己的土地)和swadjan(自己的人民)之间:19世纪后期孟加拉的政治神学和穆斯林
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/1462317x.2022.2095853
Mouli Banerjee
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Political Theology
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