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Editorial: Knowledge is Power, Ignorance is Bliss: Public perceptions and responses to human trafficking 社论:知识就是力量,无知就是福:公众对人口贩运的看法和反应
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-09-26 DOI: 10.14197/atr.201219131
Kiril Sharapov, Suzanne Hoff, B. Gerasimov
The focus of this issue of the Anti-Trafficking Review—public perceptions and responses to human trafficking—reflects the growing unease and disagreements among anti-trafficking practitioners and scholars about the current state of public awareness of human trafficking: how and by whom such awareness is produced and manipulated, whom it is targeting, and whether it leads, or can lead, to any meaningful anti-trafficking action. A central assumption in the anti-trafficking field is that the general public still lacks sufficient knowledge about human trafficking, and that creating more knowledge and awareness will lead to its reduction. However, there neither exists a common understanding of who should know what in order to achieve this goal, nor is there sufficient information available about the awareness of the general public or, especially, the impact of this awareness.
本期《反人口贩运评论》的焦点——公众对人口贩运的看法和反应——反映了反人口贩运从业者和学者对公众对人口贩卖意识的现状越来越不安和分歧:这种意识是如何产生和操纵的,由谁产生和操纵,针对的是谁,任何有意义的反贩运行动。反贩运领域的一个核心假设是,公众对人口贩运仍然缺乏足够的知识,创造更多的知识和认识将减少人口贩运。然而,对于谁应该知道什么才能实现这一目标,既没有达成共识,也没有足够的信息来了解公众的意识,尤其是这种意识的影响。
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引用次数: 8
‘Killing the Tree by Cutting the Foliage Instead of Uprooting It?’ Rethinking awareness campaigns as a response to trafficking in South-West Nigeria “砍掉叶子而不是连根拔起来杀死树?”重新考虑提高认识活动,以应对尼日利亚西南部的人口贩运问题
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-09-26 DOI: 10.14197/atr.201219134
Peter Olayiwola
Child domestic work is one of the issues often connected with human trafficking in popular discourses. The idea of ignorant and unsuspecting parents and children being tricked into situations of trafficking for domestic labour is rife and has driven education and awareness campaigns as keys to addressing trafficking. This paper offers a critique of awareness creation as an anti-trafficking strategy. Based on an ethnographic study of child domestic work in South-West Nigeria and an analysis of secondary sources, this article reviews the ignorance assumption in trafficking discourses. It contends that the existing strategy of awareness creation, often framed to discourage migration and work, misrepresents young domestic workers and/or their parents and fails to address the issues that children and/or their parents are faced with. The paper concludes by arguing for the need to address the structural root causes of trafficking rather than simply raise awareness of individual migrants.
儿童家务劳动是流行语中经常与人口贩运有关的问题之一。无知和毫无戒心的父母和儿童被诱骗到贩运家庭劳动力的境地的想法很普遍,并推动了教育和提高认识运动,将其作为解决贩运问题的关键。本文对提高认识作为一种反贩运战略进行了批判。基于对尼日利亚西南部儿童家务劳动的民族志研究和对次要来源的分析,本文回顾了贩运话语中的无知假设。它认为,现有的提高认识战略往往是为了阻止移民和工作,歪曲了年轻的家庭佣工和/或他们的父母,未能解决儿童和/或父母面临的问题。该文件最后指出,有必要解决人口贩运的结构性根源,而不是简单地提高对移民个人的认识。
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引用次数: 6
Editorial: Gains and Challenges in the Global Movement for Sex Workers’ Rights 社论:全球性工作者权利运动的收获与挑战
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.201219121
A. Lepp, B. Gerasimov
Over the past two decades, there has been a growing body of excellent academic and community-based literature on sex workers’ lives, work, and organising efforts, and on the harmful effects of anti-trafficking discourses, laws, and policies on diverse sex worker communities. Importantly, a significant portion of this work has been produced by sex workers and sex worker organisations.[1] When we decided to devote this Special Issue of Anti-Trafficking Review to the theme of sex work, we acknowledged this reality. However, we also thought that, given that the discourses, laws, and policies that directly impact sex workers globally are continually changing, the production of new evidence-based research and critical perspectives is constantly needed.
在过去的二十年里,关于性工作者的生活、工作和组织工作,以及反贩运言论、法律和政策对不同性工作者社区的有害影响,越来越多的优秀学术和社区文献。重要的是,这项工作的很大一部分是由性工作者和性工作者组织制作的。[1] 当我们决定将《反贩运评论》特刊专门讨论性工作的主题时,我们承认了这一现实。然而,我们也认为,鉴于直接影响全球性工作者的话语、法律和政策正在不断变化,不断需要新的循证研究和批判性观点。
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引用次数: 4
Sex Worker Resistance in the Neoliberal Creative City: An auto/ethnography 新自由主义创意城市中的性工作者抵抗:一种汽车/民族志
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.201219122
A. Tigchelaar
Sex workers are subjects of intrigue in urban and creative economies. Tours of active, deteriorating, or defunct red-light districts draw thousands of tourists every year in multiple municipalities around the world. When cities celebrate significant anniversaries in their histories, local sex worker narratives are often included in arts-based public offerings. When sex workers take up urban space in their day-to-day lives, however, they are criminalised. Urban developers often view sex workers as existing serviceably only as legend. A history of sex work will add allure to an up-and-coming neighbourhood, lending purpose to its reformation into a more appropriately productive space, but the material presence of sex workers in these neighbourhoods is seen as a threat to community wellbeing and property values. This paper considers how sex workers, continuously displaced from environments they have carved out as workspaces, may use the arts to draw attention to these ongoing contradictions. It investigates how sex workers may make visible the idiosyncratic state of providing vitality to a city’s history while simultaneously being excluded from its living present. Most critically, it suggests ways in which sex workers may encourage those involved as producers and consumers of neoliberal urban revitalisation projects to connect these often fatal paradoxes to the laws that criminalise their labour.
在城市和创意经济中,性工作者是阴谋的对象。在世界各地的许多城市,每年都有成千上万的游客参观活跃的、衰败的或废弃的红灯区。当城市庆祝历史上的重要纪念日时,当地性工作者的故事通常会被纳入以艺术为基础的公共产品中。然而,当性工作者在日常生活中占据城市空间时,他们就被定为犯罪。城市开发商常常把性工作者看作是存在的、可服务的,只是传说。性工作的历史会增加一个新兴社区的吸引力,为其改革提供目的,使其成为一个更合适的生产性空间,但这些社区中的性工作者的物质存在被视为对社区福祉和财产价值的威胁。本文考虑了性工作者如何不断地从他们创造的工作环境中流离失所,他们可能会利用艺术来引起人们对这些持续矛盾的关注。它调查了性工作者如何在为城市的历史提供活力的同时,又被排除在城市的生活现状之外,使这种特殊状态变得可见。最关键的是,它提出了一些方法,性工作者可以鼓励那些参与新自由主义城市复兴项目的生产者和消费者,将这些经常致命的悖论与将其劳动定为犯罪的法律联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Latin American and Caribbean Sex Workers: Gains and challenges in the movement 拉丁美洲和加勒比性工作者:运动中的收获和挑战
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.201219123
A. Cabezas
This article challenges the notion that the organised sex worker movement originated in the Global North. Beginning in Havana, Cuba at the end of the nineteenth century, sex workers in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region have been organising for recognition and labour rights. This article focuses on some of the movement’s advances, such as the election of a sex worker to public office in the Dominican Republic, the system where Nicaraguan sex workers act as court-appointed judicial facilitators, the networks of sex worker organisations throughout the region, and cutting-edge media strategies used to claim social and labour rights. Sex workers are using novel strategies designed to disrupt the hegemonic social order; contest the inequalities, discrimination, and injustices experienced by women in the sex trade; provoke critical reflection; and raise the visibility of sex work advocacy. New challenges to the movement include the abolitionist movement, the conflation of all forms of sex work with human trafficking, and practices that seek to ‘rescue’ consenting adults from the sex trade.
这篇文章挑战了有组织的性工作者运动起源于全球北方的观念。从十九世纪末的古巴哈瓦那开始,拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的性工作者一直在组织争取承认和劳工权利。本文聚焦运动的一些进展,例如多明尼加共和国选举一名性工作者担任公职、尼加拉瓜性工作者担任法院指派司法协助人员的制度、整个地区的性工作者组织网络,以及主张社会与劳工权利的尖端媒体策略。性工作者正在使用新的策略来破坏霸权的社会秩序;反对女性在性交易中所经历的不平等、歧视和不公正;引发批判性反思;提高性工作倡导的可见度。这一运动面临的新挑战包括废奴主义运动、将各种形式的性工作与人口贩运混为一谈,以及试图从性交易中“拯救”自愿的成年人的做法。
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引用次数: 2
The ‘Prioritizing Safety for Sex Workers Policy’: A sex worker rights and anti-trafficking initiative “性工作者安全优先政策”:性工作者权利和反贩运倡议
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.201219129
Alexandra Lutnick
This article presents a case study of how sex worker and anti-trafficking organisations and activists in San Francisco, California, worked together to develop and pass the ‘Prioritizing Safety for Sex Workers Policy’. This policy, as enacted by the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office and the San Francisco Police Department, creates a legal environment where people can come forward and report to law enforcement when they are a victim of or witness to an array of violent crimes while engaged in sex work, and not be arrested or prosecuted for their involvement in that criminalised behaviour or for any misdemeanour drug offences. The article details how the groups came together and the challenges they faced while developing the policy. The work was fuelled by the recognition that no one wants people in the sex industry to experience violence. That is true whether selling sex is their choice, influenced by their life circumstances, or something they are being forced or coerced to do. The Prioritizing Safety for Sex Workers Policy is a unique example of the way in which sex workers, people who have experienced trafficking, service providers, activists, women’s rights policymakers, the police department, and the District Attorney’s office came together around a common goal.
这篇文章介绍了加利福尼亚州旧金山的性工作者和反贩运组织和活动家如何共同制定并通过“性工作者安全优先政策”的案例研究。这项由旧金山地方检察官办公室和旧金山警察局颁布的政策创造了一个法律环境,当人们在从事性工作时成为一系列暴力犯罪的受害者或证人时,他们可以站出来向执法部门报告,不得因参与该犯罪行为或任何轻罪毒品犯罪而被逮捕或起诉。这篇文章详细介绍了这些团体是如何走到一起的,以及他们在制定政策时面临的挑战。没有人希望性行业的人经历暴力,这一认识推动了这项工作。无论性交易是他们的选择,是受他们生活环境的影响,还是他们被迫或被迫做的事情,都是如此。性工作者优先安全政策是一个独特的例子,说明了性工作者、经历过贩运的人、服务提供者、活动家、女权政策制定者、警察局,地方检察官办公室围绕着一个共同的目标走到了一起。
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引用次数: 9
‘Sex Trafficking’ as Epistemic Violence “性交易”是认知暴力
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.2012191211
Ben Chapman-Schmidt
While the American Allow States and Victims to Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act of 2017 (FOSTA) has been heavily criticised by researchers and activists for the harm it inflicts on sex workers, many of these critics nevertheless agree with the Act’s goal of fighting sex trafficking online. This paper, however, argues that in American legal discourse, ‘sex trafficking’ refers not to human trafficking for sexual exploitation, but rather to all forms of sex work. As such, the law’s punitive treatment of sex workers needs to be understood as the law’s purpose, rather than an unfortunate side effect. This paper also demonstrates how the discourse of ‘sex trafficking’ is itself a form of epistemic violence that silences sex workers and leaves them vulnerable to abuse, with FOSTA serving to broaden the scope of this violence. The paper concludes by highlighting ways journalists and academic researchers can avoid becoming complicit in this violence.
尽管《2017年美国允许各州和受害者打击网络性交易法案》(FOSTA)因其对性工作者造成的伤害而受到研究人员和活动人士的严厉批评,但许多批评者都同意该法案打击网络性交易的目标。然而,本文认为,在美国的法律话语中,“性贩运”不是指以性剥削为目的的人口贩运,而是指所有形式的性工作。因此,法律对性工作者的惩罚性待遇需要被理解为法律的目的,而不是一个不幸的副作用。本文还展示了“性交易”的话语本身是一种认知暴力的形式,它使性工作者沉默,使她们容易受到虐待,而FOSTA则扩大了这种暴力的范围。论文最后强调了记者和学术研究人员可以避免成为这种暴力的同谋的方法。
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引用次数: 8
Time to Turn Up the Volume 是时候调大音量了
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.2012191213
Nadia van der Linde
I remember my first self-organised donor panel well. It was at the Global Social Change Philanthropy Conference in Washington, DC in 2013. I had just started work as the first coordinator of the Red Umbrella Fund—the newly established fund for and by sex workers. I organised a session that would clarify the distinction between sex work and human trafficking and emphasise the need to fund sex worker organising. We had a strong panel: an awesome sex worker activist, a knowledgeable academic, a passionate service provider, and a committed funder. I was, however, in for a rude awakening: even though the line-up was great, the audience was scarce. I thought to myself, if we can’t even get funders to show up and learn about sex workers’ rights, how will we ever meet the needs of sex worker organisations fighting for their basic human rights?
我清楚地记得我的第一个自我组织的捐赠小组。2013年在华盛顿举行的全球社会变革慈善会议上。我刚开始担任红伞基金的第一位协调员,这是一个新成立的性工作者基金。我组织了一次会议,澄清性工作和人口贩运之间的区别,并强调资助性工作者组织的必要性。我们有一个强大的小组:一位了不起的性工作者活动家、一位知识渊博的学者、一位热情的服务提供商和一位坚定的资助者。然而,我突然意识到:尽管阵容很好,但观众却很少。我心想,如果我们甚至不能让资助者出现并了解性工作者的权利,我们将如何满足为其基本人权而战的性工作者组织的需求?
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引用次数: 0
Of Raids and Returns: Sex work movement, police oppression, and the politics of the ordinary in Sonagachi, India 搜捕与返回:性工作运动,警察压迫,以及印度索纳加奇的普通政治
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.201219128
Simanti Dasgupta
Drawing on ethnographic work with Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (DMSC), a grassroots sex worker organisation in Sonagachi, the iconic red-light district in Kolkata, India, this paper explores the politics of the detritus generated by raids as a form of state violence. While the current literature mainly focuses on its institutional ramifications, this article explores the significance of the raid in its immediate relation to the brothel as a home and a space to collectivise for labour rights. Drawing on atyachar (oppression), the Bengali word sex workers use to depict the violence of raids, I argue that they experience the raid not as a spectacle, but as an ordinary form of violence in contrast to their extraordinary experience of return to rebuild their lives. Return signals both a reclamation of the detritus as well as subversion of the state’s attempt to undermine DMSC’s labour movement.
本文借鉴了印度加尔各答标志性红灯区索纳加奇的基层性工作者组织Durbar Mahila Samawaya委员会(DMSC)的民族志工作,探讨了作为国家暴力形式的突袭所产生的碎屑的政治。虽然目前的文献主要关注其制度影响,但本文探讨了突袭的意义,以及它与妓院作为一个家和集体化争取劳工权利的空间的直接关系。根据性工作者用来描述突袭暴力的孟加拉语单词atyachar(压迫),我认为他们经历突袭不是一种奇观,而是一种普通的暴力形式,与他们返回重建生活的非凡经历形成鲜明对比。回归既是对碎石的开垦,也是对国家破坏DMSC劳工运动企图的颠覆。
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引用次数: 5
The Philippine Sex Workers Collective: Struggling to be heard, not saved 菲律宾性工作者团体:努力被倾听,而不是被拯救
IF 1.3 Q3 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-29 DOI: 10.14197/ATR.201219124
Sharmila Parmanand
The Philippine Sex Workers Collective is an organisation of current and former sex workers who reject the criminalisation of sex work and the dominant portrayal of sex workers as victims. Based on my interviews with leaders of the Collective and fifty other sex workers in Metro Manila, I argue in this paper that a range of contextual constraints limits the ability of Filipino sex workers to effectively organise and lobby for their rights. For example, the Collective cannot legally register because of the criminalisation of sex work, and this impacts their ability to access funding and recruit members. The structural configuration of the Philippines’ Inter-Agency Council Against Trafficking incentivises civil society organisations to adhere to a unified position on sex work as violence against women. The stigma against sex work in a predominantly Catholic country is another constraint. Recently, President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs has been weaponised by some members of the police to harass sex workers. Finally, I reflect on strategies the Collective could adopt to navigate the limited space they have for representation, such as crucial partnerships, outreach work, and legal remedies.
菲律宾性工作者团体是一个由现任和前任性工作者组成的组织,他们反对将性工作定为犯罪,反对将性工作者视为受害者的主流形象。根据我对“集体”领袖和马尼拉大都会其他50名性工作者的采访,我在本文中认为,一系列背景限制了菲律宾性工作者有效组织和游说权利的能力。例如,由于性工作被定为犯罪,集体无法合法注册,这影响了他们获得资金和招募成员的能力。菲律宾反贩运机构间理事会的结构结构鼓励民间社会组织坚持将性工作视为对妇女的暴力行为的统一立场。在一个以天主教为主的国家,对性工作的污名化是另一个限制。最近,总统罗德里戈·杜特尔特(Rodrigo Duterte)的禁毒战争被一些警察武装起来,用来骚扰性工作者。最后,我反思了集体可以采取的策略,以应对他们有限的代表空间,如关键的伙伴关系,外展工作和法律补救措施。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Anti-Trafficking Review
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