Chinese Political Science Review最新文献

This paper will scrutinize the response of Turkey to COVID-19 pandemic from an ontological security perspective to demonstrate how critical junctures may serve to the identity needs of its political elites. Highlighting the role of pandemic in the construction of political narratives, it aims to shed light on the potential implications of the crisis in shaping domestic power struggles as well as Turkish foreign policy choices. The analysis revealed that both ruling and opposition parties in Turkey are instrumentalizing nationalist narratives with an emphasis on protection and self-reliance, and are engaged in political opportunism during the outbreak. It also demonstrated how the pandemic facilitated the restoration of Turkey's ontological security in international arena while fostering nationalism and securing the "savior and protector" identity of its ruling elites. Nevertheless, the paper concludes that post-pandemic Turkish politics will be shaped by growing tension between religious and secular understandings of nationalism as well as frictions with allies and neighbors over the disputes in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. Thus, it can be suggested that enhanced ontological security of the country could be short lived.

This study's aim is to investigate the role of e-governance in combating COVID-19 by integrating the implications of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). We discuss and analyze the E-Government Development Index (EGDI) reports and rankings issued by the United Nations and big data implications during the COVID-19 pandemic. We used the Origin-pro 2018 application for the analysis and discussion. Overall, China's EGDI ranking has improved from 74 to 65 out of 193 countries, while Pakistan's ranking has gradually declined from 137 to 148. 5G and other big data technology and e-governance implications have helped to combat the COVID-19 pandemic. In this pandemic scenario, sustainable socioeconomic development in Pakistan needs significant improvement, similar to what has been done by China. We conclude that CPEC can help combat the COVID-19 pandemic because both countries are working together to mitigate social and economic problems. Pakistan should adapt and learn from the Government of China's experience of successful and proficient e-governance model of technological advancement. This effort will ensure successful CPEC regional extension and help combat the COVID-19 pandemic to ensure Pakistan's sustainable development.

The emergence in recent years of a large number of institutional concepts in the world of Chinese political science indicates that Chinese political science is experiencing an "internal shift" that is different from the complete Westernization of the past. Chinese political scientists are seeking theoretical explanations for China's political development based on China's internal context and are looking to provide intellectual arguments for China's modern state building. In this paper, it is proposed that the core of this internal shift of Chinese political science is the consciousness of "China" as an analytical concept, and that China is not only an object of description, but also an analytical perspective for explaining "what is China". Such a view is different from that held by the European and American left and pure traditional researchers or reactionists. On the one hand, this paradigm provides more universal political knowledge in the sense of comparative political science; on the other hand, it can advance Chinese political research by drawing a clearer and more accurate knowledge map of Chinese politics. The emergence of institutional concepts in Chinese political science implies that Chinese political science as a discipline is increasingly moving from the "form" of discipline establishment to the "content" of "what is China". This signifies a real new beginning.

The paper addresses a puzzle resulting from the current global state of alert: the coronavirus pandemic brought us back to the world of the allegedly sovereign nation states with borders and national governments in charge, yet in fact, this retrieved sovereignty looks very vulnerable and precarious. We explain this controversy through a triad of concepts-sovereignty, governmentality, and post-liberalism-that we apply to an analysis of a corona-imposed state of emergency in Estonia and Finland. Based on comparative case study research, we posit that sovereignty is precarious in post-liberalism due to its large dependence on the technologies of responsibilization and agency. From a biopolitical perspective, a major point in the anti-crisis management is to convince people to sacrifice personal liberties for the sake of public safety. These issues of governmentality will be dealt with based on critical discourse analysis and media analysis in Estonia and Finland.

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has placed severe pressure on the EU's capacity to provide a timely and coordinated response capable of curbing the pandemic's disastrous economic and social effects on EU member states. In this situation, the supranational institutions and their models of action are evidently under pressure, seeming incapable of leading the EU out of the stormy waters of the present crisis. The article frames the first months of management of the COVID-19 crisis at EU level as characterised by the limited increase in the level of steering capacity by supranational institutions, due to the reaffirmed centrality of the intergovernmental option. To explain this situation, the article considers the absence of the institutional capacity/legitimacy to extract resources from society(ies), and the subsequent impossibility of guaranteeing an effective and autonomous process of political (re)distribution, the key factors accounting for the weakness of vertical political integration in the response to the COVID-19 challenge. This explains why during the COVID-19 crisis as well, the pattern followed by the EU is rather similar to past patterns, thus confirming that this has fed retrenchment aimed at the enforcement of the intergovernmental model and the defence of the most sensitive core state powers against inference from supranational EU institutions.

The Global Justice Index is a multiyear research project conducted at the Fudan-IAS to conceptualize and measure each country's contribution to achieving greater global justice. In 2019, we completed our research project on first-year achievements, with the rankings of nation-states at the global level based on data from 2010 to 2017. This was published titled the "Global Justice Index Report" in Chinese Political Science Review (Vol. 5, No. 3, 2020). The "Global Justice Index Report 2020" is the second annual report based on our work analyzing data from 2010 to 2018, which was concluded in 2020. In order to better measure each country's performance and contribution to achieving greater global justice, compared to the first edition published in 2020, we have improved the model, added the refugee issue to expand the issue areas to 10, and added new indicators, regional analysis and comparison in this report. The report comprises five main sections. In the introduction, we discuss the development of the conceptual framework and evaluative principles to justify our selection of dimensions and indicators for measurement. Next, in the section of methodology, we discuss the production, normalization, and aggregation of the raw data and the generation of the final results. In the findings section, we report the data, indicators and our results for the ten issues, and provide regional comparisons. And then, in the following section we present the main results, and report the ranking of each country's contribution to achieving greater global justice. In the final section, we discuss the applications and limitations of the index, and its potential further research trajectories.

This paper uses the "Chinese ownership reforms in 2013" as a natural experiment to test how increased private ownership affects financial leverage, asset quality and profitability of SOEs (state-owned enterprises). The PSM-DID model is conducted using the panel data of SOEs from 2010 to 2018. Results show that the increased private ownership can decrease financial leverage, while increase asset quality and profitability of SOEs. Specifically, it affects financial leverage negatively in the eastern and the central regions, promotes profitability in the eastern region, and the asset quality in the western region. Besides, the negative effect on financial leverage and positive effect on profitability in the competitive industry is much higher as compared to the monopoly industry. Furthermore, an increase in private ownership enhances asset quality in the monopoly industry more than the competitive industry. The study concludes the positive nexus between increased private ownership and corporate performance of SOEs which provides an insight for the Chinese government to further ownership reforms and for SOEs to improve financial performance.

Will nationalism thrive in times of crisis? A broad segment of scholarly literature has found that a crisis often leads to the resurgence of nationalism. When the coronavirus started to spread rapidly in Europe, individual European nation states unilaterally closed their borders, hoarded critical medical supplies, and played blame games. The early period of the pandemic crisis revealed some hybrid form of medical nationalism, economic nationalism, and everyday nationalism. However, the common crisis has also heightened the importance of regional solidarity, and reinforces a strengthening of cross-national cooperation and multilateral institutions. Based on empirical discussions, this research offers an analytical framework to establish the hypothetic mechanisms of understanding this mixed phenomenon. Delving into the interaction between crisis and nationalism, this article argues that the causation from one to the other is not a linear, one-way process. There are competing mechanisms through which both nationalists and liberalists can use the crisis to push for their political agenda. Whether there will be a new wave of neo-nationalism in Europe is largely contingent on the responses the EU and the member states adopt in handling domestic and regional challenges in the post-pandemic era. Therefore, instead of simply exploring the causal relation between crisis and nationalism, more-nuanced questions can be examined in the future concerning the conditions under which and the mechanisms through which a crisis is more/less likely to provoke neo-nationalism.