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Crantore lettore del prologo del Timeo: Il fr. 8 Mette tra decostruzione ed ermeneutica 《罗马条约》序言的读者
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0034
Christian Vassallo
This paper analyses in-depth Proclus’ testimonium to Crantor on Plato’s Atlantis (fr. 8 Mette). The expression ἱστορία ψιλή we read in the evidence should be interpreted in light of Proclus’ effort to classify the various readings of the Atlantis story (and of Platonic myths in general). From the elements at our disposal, we may tentatively infer that Crantor upheld a metaphorical (i. e. didactic) reading not only of the creation account of the Timaeus, but of the Atlantis myth as well. This metaphorical reading did not deny the ‘truth’ of the fiction (in some way confirmed by the phrase λόγος ἀληθής in the Platonic lemma commented by Proclus), but we may guess it surely ruled out any plausibility of the ‘historicity’ of the Atlantis story.
本文深入分析了普罗克劳斯给克兰托关于柏拉图的《亚特兰蒂斯》的证言。我们在证据中读到的表达式υ στορ α ψιλή应该根据普罗克洛斯对亚特兰蒂斯故事(以及一般柏拉图神话)的各种解读进行分类的努力来解释。从我们掌握的元素中,我们可以初步推断,克兰托支持一种隐喻(即说教)的阅读,不仅是对蒂迈乌斯的创造描述,而且对亚特兰蒂斯神话也是如此。这种隐喻性的阅读并没有否认小说的“真相”(在某种程度上由普罗克罗斯评论的柏拉图引理中的短语λ γος ς ληθ记载ς所证实),但我们可以猜测它肯定排除了亚特兰蒂斯故事的“历史性”的任何合理性。
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引用次数: 0
Spatia vitae. Social Time Issues in Sidonius Spatia个人简历。西多尼乌斯的社交时间问题
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0037
Tabea L. Meurer
Studies on temporality in Sidonius’ letters have so far been dominated by narratological approaches. This article proposes an additional perspective by focusing on social and ethical dimensions of time issues. Drawing from scholarship on both imperial epistolography and ancient timekeeping, I develop a framework for studying temporal-behavior patterns as negotiations of elite habitus. Many letters that provide insights in temporal habits (chronotypes) define also in- and out-groups based on temporal conventions (chronotopes). Time management displays a life order Sidonius can approve or disapprove of. The motif of the clepsydra illustrates this connection between temporal habits and senatorial ethos most vividly.
迄今为止,对西顿纽斯书信中时间性的研究主要采用叙事学方法。本文通过关注时间问题的社会和伦理维度,提出了一个额外的视角。从帝国书信学和古代计时学的学术研究中,我开发了一个框架来研究时间行为模式作为精英习惯的谈判。许多信件提供了对时间习惯(时型)的见解,也根据时间惯例(时型)定义了内外群体。时间管理显示了西顿纽斯可以赞成或不赞成的生活秩序。漏壶的主题最生动地说明了世俗习惯和元老院精神之间的这种联系。
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引用次数: 0
On the Origin of Statius, Thebaid 6.227–33 论斯塔提乌斯的起源,底比德,6.227-33
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0040
Pablo Puente
This discussion deals with Statius, Thebaid 6.227-33, a passage considered an interpolation by most critics. The most recent edition of the poem describes the lines as genuine but transmitted in the wrong position without indicating their original location. I develop this perspective by considering and rejecting a possible transposition of the passage to a position between Thebaid 3.113 and 3.114. I then argue that the lines might instead be a marginal creation of an ancient interpolator inspired by the passage in Book 3.
本文讨论的是斯塔提乌斯的《底比斯记》6.227-33,这一段被大多数评论家认为是插补。这首诗的最新版本将这些诗句描述为真实的,但在错误的位置传递,没有表明它们的原始位置。我通过考虑和拒绝一种可能的转换来发展这个观点,这种转换介于底比记3.113和3.114之间。然后我认为,这些线条可能是受第三卷中段落启发的古代插值者的边缘创作。
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引用次数: 0
Text, Image, and Music 文本,图像和音乐
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0036
Marie Okáčová
The overall aim of this paper is to enquire about the performative qualities of Optatian’s visual poems and contextualize these experimental texts within the late-antique culture of transformation and change. Adopting a performative approach, the author sheds new light on the metatexts embedded in the majority of Optatian’s carmina as well as the metadiscursive significance of several individual pieces of his collection (Carm. 3 and 25, in particular). The performative features traceable in the corpus include: a) notions of multi-mediality and spectacularity together with the physical materiality and dynamics of language, all constantly advertised by the poet; b) the expected active role of readers as co-performers of these intricate texts; and c) the inherent performative power of particular intextual images.
本文的总体目的是探讨奥普顿视觉诗歌的表演品质,并将这些实验文本置于转型和变革的晚期古代文化中。作者采用了一种表演的方法,对奥普塔提亚大部分卡米纳作品中嵌入的元文本以及他的几部作品(特别是卡米纳第3章和第25章)的元话语意义进行了新的阐释。语料库中可追溯的表演特征包括:a)多媒体化和壮观性的概念,以及语言的物理物质性和动态性,这些都是诗人不断宣传的;B)读者作为这些复杂文本的共同表演者所期望的积极角色;c)特定文本图像的内在表现力。
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引用次数: 0
A Textual Note on Pindar, Nemean 9.17 关于品达的文本注释,Nemean 9.17
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0038
Nicholas Lane
Abstract This note discusses the lacuna at Nemean 9.17, considers the supplements suggested to date and proposes a new one.
本文讨论了Nemean 9.17的缺陷,考虑了迄今为止建议的补充,并提出了一个新的补充。
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引用次数: 0
Eine Konjektur zu Aischines Gegen Ktesiphon, 25 是同音刀的复制品
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0039
Nicolai Futás, Tobias Hirsch
In his oration Against Ctesiphon, Aeschines mentions the power his rival Demosthenes had during his term as treasurer of the theoric fund (ἐπὶ τὸ θεωρικόν). Many modern assumptions about the function of the Athenian financial administration and politics between the end of the Social War (357-355 BC) and the early 330’s BC are based on Aischin. Ctes. 25. This article argues for taking into account an emendation brought forward by the early 19th century British scholar Peter Paul Dobree. His suggestions, as will be shown, correspond better to the rhetorical structure of Aeschines’ argument than the prevailing reading and change the interpretation of the treasurers’ responsibilities.
在他对忒西芬的演说中,埃斯钦提到了他的对手德摩斯梯尼在他担任理论基金的财务主管期间所拥有的权力(τ π ς τ ο θεωρικόν)。在社会战争结束(公元前357-355年)到公元前330年代早期,许多关于雅典财政管理和政治功能的现代假设都是基于爱斯钦。ct。25。本文主张考虑19世纪初英国学者彼得·保罗·多布里提出的一项修订。他的建议,正如我们将会看到的,比流行的解读更符合埃斯钦论证的修辞结构,并改变了对司库职责的解释。
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引用次数: 0
Plutarch on Civil Wars 普鲁塔克论内战
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0035
Ayelet Peer
Plutarch’s exuberant writings reaped praise in both antique and modern times. Various aspects of his work have been amply studied and analysed, yet some remain less discussed. This paper therefore aims to contribute to the ongoing research of his works by examining Plutarch’s references to stasis in general, and more particularly to the Roman civil wars. Plutarch lived through the civil wars of 69 CE, and although he did not suffer by experiencing them directly, these events no doubt contributed to his views on the role of stasis and civil war, especially in Roman history. While Plutarch does not openly express his convictions on these events, especially not on contemporary occurrences, civil unrest is nevertheless a deliberate and significant theme in all of his writings. This paper presents various examples from Plutarch’s work which illuminate his particular understanding of Roman civil dissension and the ways in which he cleverly and meticulously approached this issue, being aware of the threat it may have posed him during the principate.
普鲁塔克丰富的作品在古代和现代都赢得了赞誉。他的工作的各个方面都得到了充分的研究和分析,但有些方面仍然很少讨论。因此,本文旨在通过检查普鲁塔克对停滞的一般参考,特别是对罗马内战的参考,为他的作品的持续研究做出贡献。普鲁塔克经历了公元69年的内战,虽然他没有直接经历过,但这些事件无疑有助于他对停滞和内战的作用的看法,特别是在罗马历史上。虽然普鲁塔克没有公开表达他对这些事件的看法,尤其是对当代发生的事件,但内乱在他所有的作品中都是一个深思熟虑的重要主题。本文将从普鲁塔克的作品中举出不同的例子,这些例子阐明了他对罗马内乱的特殊理解,以及他如何巧妙而细致地处理这个问题,意识到在元首制时期可能对他构成的威胁。
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引用次数: 0
Advertising Innovation in Pindar’s Olympian 13 品达奥运广告创新
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0033
Hans Hansen
As a technology of commemoration, epinician song was a late archaic innovation. To gain acceptance for this innovative genre, Pindar works to anchor it to Greek epic and encomiastic poetry, that is, to demonstrate its continuity with these genres. But Pindar also regularly vaunts his poetry on the grounds that it is novel and inventive, potentially undermining his efforts at anchoring. This paper studies Olympian 13 as an example of a text in which Pindar’s habits of anchoring his poetry and advertising its inventiveness are effectively reconciled. I argue that the ode’s central Bellerophon myth, a pointed rewriting of Homer’s account of Bellerophon (Il. 6.119-211), and the ode’s hybrid meter are showpieces of poetic innovation that demonstrate the worth and originality of Pindaric epinician to the ode’s Corinthian audience, while at the same time anchoring this genre to Homeric epic and dithyrambic song.
作为一种纪念技术,奏鸣曲是古代晚期的一种创新。为了让人们接受这一创新体裁,品达将其与希腊史诗和赞美诗联系在一起,也就是说,证明了它与这些体裁的连续性。但品达也经常夸耀他的诗歌,理由是它是新颖和创造性的,潜在地破坏了他在锚定的努力。本文以《奥林匹斯13》为例进行研究,在这篇文章中,品达对诗歌的固定习惯和对其创造性的宣传得到了有效的调和。我认为,颂歌的中心贝勒洛芬神话,对荷马对贝勒洛芬的描述(Il. 6.119-211)的有针对性的重写,以及颂歌的混合格律是诗歌创新的展示,向颂歌的科林斯听众展示了品达尔人的价值和独创性,同时将这种体裁与荷马史诗和酒神歌曲联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Wen liebten die alten Germaninnen? Zu Tacitus, Germania 19,2 曾经爱过谁?塔西塔斯19
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/hermes-2023-0041
Christoph Schubert
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引用次数: 0
Augustus' Eintritt in die griechische Literatur 当奥古斯都进入希腊文学
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.25162/HERMES-2018-0002
M. Hose
This paper aims at reconstructing how the positive image of Octavian resp. Augustus, which can be found in the Greek literature of the early 2nd century AD (e.g. in Plutarch), was formed. During their conflict with Octavian, Marc Antony and his party were creating an image of their opponent which displayed numerous forms of disparagement and of invective elements. After his victory, Octavian faced the challenge to restore his reputation also in the Greek East. As a starting point for this restoration he provided his autobiography, which was probably published at an early date, i.e. about the late 20s BC. At the same time, both in poetry (Crinagoras) and prose (Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Strabo) an image of the princeps as a bringer of peace and culture was created. After a cooperation with Timagenes had failed, Nicolaus of Damascus added to the positive image of Augustus by composing a panegyrical biography of Augustus which incorporated also his childhood and youth.
本文旨在重建屋大维的正面形象。在公元2世纪早期的希腊文学(如普鲁塔克)中可以找到的奥古斯都,形成了。在他们与屋大维的冲突中,马克·安东尼和他的政党创造了一个他们的对手的形象,这个形象显示了各种形式的贬低和谩骂。胜利之后,屋大维面临着在希腊东部恢复声誉的挑战。作为修复的起点,他提供了他的自传,这本自传很可能是在早期出版的,也就是大约公元前20年代末。与此同时,在诗歌(克里纳哥拉斯)和散文(哈利卡那索斯的狄奥尼修斯和斯特拉波)中,元首作为和平与文化的使者的形象被创造出来。在与Timagenes的合作失败后,大马士革的Nicolaus为奥古斯都的正面形象增光添彩,他写了一部歌颂奥古斯都的传记,其中包括他的童年和青年时期。
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引用次数: 1
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HERMES-ZEITSCHRIFT FUR KLASSISCHE PHILOLOGIE
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