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European case law on migrants’ social and mobility rights: The need for a comparative approach in assessing ‘human rights overreach’ 关于移民社会和流动权利的欧洲判例法:评估“人权越界”的比较方法的必要性
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1177/09240519221092591
Lieneke Slingenberg
Social rights (right to social security and social welfare) and mobility rights (right to freedom of movement within the territory) are the only two rights in European human rights law that limit their scope of application to persons lawfully in the territory. Migrants have contested this limitation in two ways: (1) arguing for exceptions to, or for a broad interpretation of, the concept of lawful presence, and (2) arguing that such policies violate other human rights that apply to everyone. This article examines the responses in European case law to these arguments, and shows a striking difference between cases on social rights and cases on mobility rights. While European courts and treaty bodies have significantly expanded the personal scope of social rights and/or the material scope of civil rights into the social realm, they have refrained from doing so as regards mobility rights. This finding is relevant for two reasons. First, it nuances the general idea that civil rights are privileged over social rights. Second, it nuances concerns about human rights ‘proliferation’ or ‘overreach’, which have been voiced as regards the expansion of migrants’ social rights.
社会权利(享有社会保障和社会福利的权利)和流动权利(在领土内自由行动的权利)是欧洲人权法中仅有的两项将其适用范围限制在领土内合法人员的权利。移民以两种方式对这一限制提出异议:(1)主张对合法居留概念的例外或广义解释,以及(2)认为此类政策侵犯了适用于每个人的其他人权。本文考察了欧洲判例法对这些论点的回应,并显示了社会权利案例与流动权利案例之间的显著差异。虽然欧洲法院和条约机构已将社会权利的个人范围和(或)公民权利的物质范围大大扩大到社会领域,但它们在流动权利方面却没有这样做。这一发现有两个相关的原因。首先,它微妙地改变了公民权利优先于社会权利的一般观念。其次,它微妙地表达了对人权“扩散”或“越界”的担忧,这些担忧在扩大移民的社会权利方面已经表达出来。
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引用次数: 1
The State, the assailant? Guaranteeing economic and social rights after widespread violence through the Inter-American Court of Human Rights 国家,还是凶手?通过美洲人权法院保障普遍暴力后的经济和社会权利
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/09240519221086436
Felix E. Torres
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has traditionally addressed the socio-economic wrongs that result from episodes of widespread violence indirectly, under the lens of civil and political rights abuses. This article provides a historical explanation of this approach and expands on the limitations that follow from it in the Court's jurisprudence. Using empirical data on victims and perpetrators in countries affected by armed conflict and organised crime, the article measures the magnitude of these limitations. To overcome them, it suggests that the right to a ‘dignified life’ and recent developments concerning the enforceability of economic and social rights be applied after widespread violence, following the lead of the Colombian Constitutional Court regarding the protection of internally displaced people by violence.
美洲人权法院传统上是在侵犯公民权利和政治权利的情况下,间接处理广泛暴力事件所造成的社会经济错误。本文对这一方法进行了历史解释,并进一步阐述了该法院判例中由此产生的局限性。本文利用受武装冲突和有组织犯罪影响国家的受害者和肇事者的经验数据,衡量了这些限制的程度。为了克服这些问题,委员会建议在广泛的暴力之后,在哥伦比亚宪法法院关于保护国内流离失所者的暴力的领导下,适用“有尊严的生活”的权利和关于经济和社会权利的可执行性的最新发展。
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引用次数: 2
The human rights turn in climate change litigation and responsibilities of legal professionals 气候变化诉讼中的人权转向与法律工作者的责任
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/09240519221085342
J. Fraser, Laura Magdalena Henderson
Climate change is already being felt around the world, impacting a range of human rights including ultimately the right to life. While a healthy environment is a pre-condition for the enjoyment of rights, the environment is not mentioned in the foundational human rights document – Universal Declaration of Human Rights – nor is it specifically protected in subsequent international human rights treaties. This artificial division is partially a function of the separate development of international human rights and environmental law in the last century, which today needs urgently to be bridged. Progress is slowly being made, such as the 2021 Resolution recognising the right to a healthy environment by the UN Human Rights Council and the various petitions being lodged before human rights bodies. This column discusses the (long overdue) recognition of the human rights/environment nexus and the subsequent human rights turn in climate change litigation. In light of the challenges still faced when addressing the impacts of climate change under human rights law, we engage in (self-)reflection on the professional responsibilities of judges/decision-makers, lawyers, and scholars as active participants in the development of the law as well as the struggle for climate justice. We urge these legal professionals to be aware of the power they have in shaping these developments, and discuss how their role can be performed responsibly.
世界各地已经感受到气候变化,影响到一系列人权,最终包括生命权。虽然健康的环境是享有权利的先决条件,但基本人权文件《世界人权宣言》没有提到环境,后来的国际人权条约也没有特别保护环境。这种人为的划分在一定程度上是上个世纪国际人权和环境法各自发展的结果,这两种情况今天迫切需要加以弥补。进展缓慢,例如联合国人权理事会在2021年通过了承认健康环境权的决议,以及向人权机构提出的各种请愿书。本专栏讨论了(姗姗来迟的)对人权/环境关系的认识,以及随后在气候变化诉讼中的人权转向。鉴于在人权法框架下应对气候变化影响时仍然面临的挑战,我们对法官/决策者、律师和学者作为法律发展和争取气候正义的积极参与者的职业责任进行(自我)反思。我们敦促这些法律专业人员意识到他们在塑造这些发展方面的力量,并讨论如何负责任地发挥他们的作用。
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引用次数: 2
Towards a new legal consensus on business and human rights: A 10th anniversary essay 迈向商业与人权的新法律共识:十周年纪念论文
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/09240519221076337
D. Augenstein
The article takes stock of developments in domestic and international law concerning the regulation of adverse human rights impacts by global business enterprises, one decade after the adoption of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) and the Maastricht Principles on Extraterritorial Obligations of States in the Area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (Maastricht Principles). It discusses these soft-law instruments in the light of long-standing systemic obstacles to holding business enterprises legally accountable for their global human rights impacts. The article argues for a new legal consensus on business and human rights, grounded in the increasing recognition by States that corporate respect for human rights should be brought under the purview of (international) human rights law. This consensus builds on the gradual convergence between the regulatory models that underpin the UNGPs and the Maastricht Principles, such that States’ domestic regulation of business enterprises with extraterritorial effect becomes anchored in international legal obligations towards foreign victims of business-related human rights violations.
本文总结了《联合国工商业与人权指导原则》(UNGPs)和《关于国家在经济、社会和文化权利领域的治外法权义务的马斯特里赫特原则》(马斯特里赫特原则)通过十年后,有关管制全球工商企业不利人权影响的国内法和国际法的发展情况。鉴于长期存在的系统性障碍,使工商企业对其全球人权影响承担法律责任,本报告讨论了这些软法律文书。该条主张在工商企业和人权问题上达成新的法律共识,理由是各国日益认识到企业对人权的尊重应纳入(国际)人权法的范围。这一共识建立在支撑《联合国指导原则》和《马斯特里赫特原则》的监管模式之间逐渐趋同的基础上,从而使各国对具有治外法权效力的工商企业的国内监管成为对与工商有关的侵犯人权行为的外国受害者的国际法律义务的基础。
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引用次数: 3
Is the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in an Existential Crisis? 非洲人权和人民权利法院是否处于生存危机?
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-01-13 DOI: 10.1177/09240519211072424
M. Faix, Ayyoub Jamali
Employing a sociological perspective on the law, this study explores instances of resistance against the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the African Union’s continental human rights judicial body. This approach allows us to examine different forms of resistance that might not necessarily be of a legal character, but which may still have profound implications for the Court’s authority, legitimacy, and operation. Accordingly, the article identifies two forms of resistance against the African Court: ‘pushback’ and ‘backlash’. The former refers to an ordinary form of critique directed against the overall development of an international court, while the latter is understood as an extraordinary form of critique that puts the fundamental authority of a court at stake. While pushback was mainly seen in the early stages of the Court’s establishment, backlash started to emerge following its ground-breaking judgments that caused heated debates on controversial topics. This article concludes that based on the identified and analysed forms of resistance, it is doubtful that the African Court can maintain and fulfil the purpose for which it was established: the protection and promotion of human rights in Africa.
采用法律的社会学视角,本研究探讨了对非洲人权和人民权利法院(非洲联盟的大陆人权司法机构)的抵制实例。这种方法使我们能够审查不同形式的抵抗,这些抵抗不一定具有法律性质,但仍可能对法院的权威、合法性和运作产生深远影响。因此,这篇文章指出了对非洲法院的两种抵抗形式:“推回”和“反弹”。前者指的是针对国际法院整体发展的一种普通形式的批评,而后者则被理解为一种危及法院基本权威的特殊形式的批评。虽然阻力主要出现在最高法院成立的早期阶段,但在其开创性的判决引发争议性话题的激烈辩论后,反弹开始出现。这篇文章的结论是,根据已查明和分析的抵抗形式,非洲法院能否维持和实现其设立的目的:保护和促进非洲的人权,是值得怀疑的。
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引用次数: 0
Recent publications in international human rights law 国际人权法的最新出版物
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-01-07 DOI: 10.1177/09240519211072936
Witte
Leading legal scholar John Witte, Jr. explores the role religion played in the development of rights in the Western legal tradition and traces the complex interplay between human rights and religious freedom norms in modern domestic and international law. He examines how US courts are moving towards greater religious freedom, while recent decisions of the pan-European courts in Strasbourg and Luxembourg have harmed new religious minorities and threatened old religious traditions in Europe. Witte argues that the robust promotion and protection of religious freedom is the best way to protect many other fundamental rights today, even though religious freedom and other fundamental rights sometimes clash and need judicious balancing. He also responds to various modern critics who see human rights as a betrayal of Christianity and religious freedom as a betrayal of human rights.
著名法律学者约翰·维特(John Witte Jr.)探讨了宗教在西方法律传统中权利发展中所扮演的角色,并追溯了现代国内法和国际法中人权与宗教自由规范之间复杂的相互作用。他研究了美国法院如何走向更大的宗教自由,而最近在斯特拉斯堡和卢森堡的泛欧洲法院的决定损害了新的宗教少数群体,并威胁到欧洲的旧宗教传统。威特认为,大力促进和保护宗教自由是当今保护许多其他基本权利的最佳方式,尽管宗教自由和其他基本权利有时会发生冲突,需要审慎地加以平衡。他还回应了各种现代批评者,他们认为人权是对基督教的背叛,宗教自由是对人权的背叛。
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引用次数: 0
SIM Peter Baehr Lecture – Life Begins at Forty: Human Rights for the Future 彼得·贝尔讲座-人生从四十岁开始:未来的人权
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/09240519211056204
M. Bachelet
Distinguished participants, dear students, I am pleased to join you today in celebrating the 40th anniversary of the Utrecht University’s Human Rights Centre. This celebration comes at a challenging time, when we are facing global threats to human rights across the globe. COVID-19 has shown us a world immersed in human rights gaps – and it has made them deeper and wider. The pandemic has exposed the weaknesses of political, economic and health systems, and laid bare systemic discrimination and deep structural inequalities everywhere, both within and between countries. At the same time, our world continues to suffer with climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss. This triple planetary crisis created and sustained by human action – and inaction – is also directly and severely impacting a broad range of rights, including the rights to adequate food, water, education, housing, health, development, and even life itself. One of the greatest uncertainties about these challenges is what policymakers will do about them. Earlier this year I told the United Nations Human Rights Council that ‘navigating a clear way out of the complex COVID-19 crisis, and towards an inclusive, green, sustainable and resilient future, will be the work of this generation of world leaders – or their downfall.’ So, in the midst of so many threats to human lives, livelihoods and rights, allow me to share with you some thoughts on how grave they are – and, on how, together, we can overcome them. Recent months have unleashed extreme and murderous climate events on people in every region of the world: monumental fires in Siberia and California; huge sudden floods in China, Germany
尊敬的与会者,亲爱的同学们,我很高兴今天与大家一起庆祝乌得勒支大学人权中心成立40周年。这次庆祝活动恰逢一个充满挑战的时刻,我们在全球各地都面临着对人权的全球性威胁。COVID-19向我们展示了一个充满人权差距的世界,并使这些差距更深、更广。这场大流行暴露了政治、经济和卫生系统的弱点,暴露了各国内部和各国之间的系统性歧视和深刻的结构性不平等。与此同时,我们的世界继续遭受气候变化、污染和生物多样性丧失的痛苦。这一由人类的行动和不作为造成和维持的三重全球危机,也直接和严重地影响了广泛的权利,包括适足食物、水、教育、住房、健康、发展甚至生命本身的权利。这些挑战最大的不确定性之一是政策制定者将如何应对。今年早些时候,我对联合国人权理事会说,“找到一条走出复杂的COVID-19危机的明确道路,走向包容、绿色、可持续和有复原力的未来,将是这一代世界领导人的工作,否则他们就会下台。”“因此,在人类生命、生计和权利面临如此多的威胁之际,请允许我与大家分享一些想法,说明这些威胁有多严重,以及我们如何共同克服这些威胁。”近几个月来,世界各地都发生了极端和致命的气候事件:西伯利亚和加利福尼亚发生了巨大的火灾;中国和德国突然发生特大洪水
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引用次数: 0
Racial Discrimination and Nationality and Migration Exceptions: Reconciling CERD and the Race Equality Directive 种族歧视与国籍和移民例外:调和《消除种族歧视公约》和《种族平等指令》
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-06 DOI: 10.1177/09240519211055648
D. Fennelly, Clíodhna Murphy
The principles of equality and non-discrimination offer potentially valuable tools to challenge discriminatory practices employed by States against non-citizens. However, nationality and immigration-related exceptions are an established feature of non-discrimination laws. Such exceptions raise fundamental questions about the scope of the protection offered by anti-discrimination laws and have the potential to perpetuate, rather than eliminate, race discrimination. This article addresses this critical but often neglected issue, through a doctrinal analysis of two specific exceptions - Articles 1(2) and 1(3) of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and Article 3(2) of the EU's Race Equality Directive - and an examination of their impact in practice at the domestic level. We argue that nationality and migration status exceptions must be interpreted as narrowly as possible, in line with the core purpose of these instruments to eliminate race discrimination. Furthermore, we suggest that the interplay between these legal frameworks at the domestic level of implementation takes on particular importance in defining the scope and limits of nationality and migration-based exceptions.
平等和不歧视原则为挑战各国对非公民采取的歧视性做法提供了潜在的宝贵工具。然而,国籍和与移民有关的例外情况是非歧视法律的既定特征。这种例外情况对反歧视法提供的保护范围提出了根本性的问题,并有可能使种族歧视永久化,而不是消除。本文通过对《联合国消除一切形式种族歧视公约》第1(2)条和第1(3)条以及欧盟《种族平等指令》第3(2)条这两个具体例外的理论分析,以及对其在国内实践中的影响的考察,解决了这一关键但经常被忽视的问题。我们认为,国籍和移民身份例外必须尽可能狭义地解释,以符合这些文书消除种族歧视的核心目的。此外,我们建议,这些法律框架之间在国内执行层面的相互作用在界定国籍和移民例外的范围和限制方面具有特别重要的意义。
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引用次数: 3
Beyond the Minimalist Critique: An Assessment of the Right to Education in International Human Rights Law 超越极简主义批判:国际人权法中的受教育权评析
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-11-06 DOI: 10.1177/09240519211057240
Ramindu Perera
The minimalist critique of human rights advanced by legal historian Samuel Moyn argues that human rights are ineffective in addressing material inequality because, rather than striving for equality, they focus on ensuring sufficient protection levels. This article analyses the right to education model which international human rights bodies have expanded to demonstrate the overstretched nature of the minimalist critique. By examining how the right to education provisions of international human rights treaties are interpreted by various United Nations human rights mechanisms, the article argues that the international human rights system has advanced a model of right to education that reaches beyond the notion of sufficiency. The works of these bodies are analysed in light of the privatisation of education. In defining the connection between the equality and liberty dimensions of the right to education, international human rights bodies have prioratised ensuring equal opportunities over the liberty to private education. The aim of the right to education is not merely to provide basic literacy to the poor but also to assure equal educational opportunities to all.
法律历史学家塞缪尔·莫恩(Samuel Moyn)提出的对人权的极简主义批判认为,人权在解决物质不平等问题方面是无效的,因为人权关注的不是争取平等,而是确保足够的保护水平。本文分析了国际人权机构扩展的受教育权模式,以证明极简主义批判的过度延伸性质。通过研究联合国各种人权机制如何解释国际人权条约中的受教育权条款,本文认为,国际人权体系提出了一种超越充分性概念的受教育权模式。从教育私有化的角度分析了这些机构的工作。在确定受教育权的平等和自由方面之间的联系时,国际人权机构将确保机会平等置于私立教育的自由之上。受教育权的目的不仅是使穷人具备基本的识字能力,而且还要确保所有人都有平等的受教育机会。
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引用次数: 2
Race and the regulation of international migration. The ongoing impact of colonialism in the case law of The European Court of Human Rights 种族和国际移民的管理。殖民主义对欧洲人权法院判例法的持续影响
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2021-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/09240519211053932
K. de Vries, T. Spijkerboer
In the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) the right of States to control migration is firmly established despite strong indications that the effects of migration control are not racially neutral. In this article we attempt to understand how it is possible that the doctrine of sovereign migration control is not considered to breach the prohibition of racial discrimination. We argue that the ECtHR’s approach to migration and racial discrimination fits a pattern in the historical development of migration law whereby the right to travel, and the power of States to restrict this right, have been consistently defined in such a way as to protect the interests of the predominantly white population of today's global North. Hence, the ease with which the racialised impact of migration control is accepted as normal and compatible with the prohibition of racial discrimination is consistent with migration law's long history as part of colonial and postcolonial relations.
在欧洲人权法院(欧洲人权法院)的判例法中,各国控制移徙的权利是牢固确立的,尽管有强有力的迹象表明,移徙控制的影响不是种族中立的。在本文中,我们试图理解主权移民控制理论如何可能不被视为违反种族歧视禁令。我们认为,欧洲人权法院处理移民和种族歧视的方法符合移民法历史发展的一种模式,即旅行权和国家限制这一权利的权力一直以这样一种方式定义,以保护当今全球北方以白人为主的人口的利益。因此,移民控制的种族化影响很容易被接受为正常现象,并与禁止种族歧视相一致,这与移民法作为殖民和后殖民关系的一部分的长期历史是一致的。
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引用次数: 3
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Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights
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