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Judging Climate Change 判断气候变化
Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.24437/global_europe.i124.1322
Lyne Schuppisser
Since global and national political efforts to tackle climate change are failing, climate change litigation is on the rise worldwide. In climate change litigation, claimants try to legally advance climate protection in manifold ways. In particular, strategic, rights-based climate change litigation is becoming more common in which claimants use a human rights-based approach in their attempt to advance social change. While a rights-based claim filed by Urgenda in the Netherlands succeeded, a similar Swiss case brought by KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz, failed. Why did the two cases have different outcomes despite the similarity of the cases and the countries? This paper seeks an answer by comparing the legal and political systems of the countries as well as by conducting expert interviews. In sum, the Urgenda and KlimaSeniorinnen cases differed because Dutch law has more generous procedural rules about the admissibility of claims than Swiss law. Furthermore, the Swiss highest court is more hesitant to engage in politically controversial questions compared to the Dutch highest court.
由于全球和各国应对气候变化的政治努力均告失败,气候变化诉讼在全球范围内呈上升趋势。在气候变化诉讼中,原告试图以多种方式从法律上推进气候保护。特别是,战略性的、以权利为基础的气候变化诉讼正变得越来越普遍,索赔人采用以人权为基础的方法,试图推进社会变革。虽然 Urgenda 在荷兰提出的基于权利的索赔获得了成功,但 KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz 在瑞士提出的类似案件却以失败告终。尽管案件和国家相似,为什么两起案件的结果却不同呢?本文通过比较两国的法律和政治制度以及专家访谈来寻找答案。总之,Urgenda 案和 KlimaSeniorinnen 案之所以不同,是因为荷兰法律对索赔的可受理性有比瑞士法律更宽松的程序规则。此外,与荷兰最高法院相比,瑞士最高法院在处理具有政治争议性的问题时更加犹豫不决。
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引用次数: 0
Mitsprache oder Mitbestimmung? 共同决定还是共同决定?
Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.24437/global_europe.i124.1320
Leonard Flach
This article addresses the questions of the foreign policy competencies of the Federal Assembly and how it made use of them in the negotiation of the institutional framework agreement with the EU. After a historical classification and a discussion of the relevant legal basis, the author undertakes a computer-aided content analysis of the parliamentary debates on the agreement in the Official Bulletin of the Federal Assembly. The results are then analyzed with recourse to previous insights. In doing so, he shows that there is an interplay between the expansion of parliamentary powers and diminishing opportunities for shaping them and that the Federal Assembly strives to fulfill its partial responsibility for foreign policy. In his conclusions, the author states that the increasing internationalization challenges the cooperation between the Federal Assembly and the Federal Council and that the rights to information and consultation play a key role in this debate.
本文探讨了联邦议会的外交政策权限问题,以及联邦议会在与欧盟谈判机构框架协议时如何利用这些权限。在对相关法律依据进行历史分类和讨论之后,作者对《联邦议会官方公报》中有关该协议的议会辩论进行了计算机辅助内容分析。然后,作者根据以往的见解对分析结果进行了分析。在分析过程中,他发现议会权力的扩大与影响议会权力的机会的减少之间存在相互作用,联邦议会努力履行其在外交政策方面的部分职责。作者在结论中指出,日益国际化对联邦议会和联邦委员会之间的合作提出了挑战,而知情权和协商权在这场辩论中发挥着关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
EU Sanctions Policy Vis-à-Vis Russia 欧盟对俄罗斯的制裁政策
Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.24437/global_europe.i124.1321
Arun Mahato
This research piece investigates the role of norms in European Union (EU) sanctions policy towards Russia in the context of the Russia Ukraine War. It aims to answer the research question of the extent to which the EU’s foreign policy in this particular case can be interpreted as having normative power. As an analytical lens, the Normative Power Europe (NPE) framework is used. In order to tackle the question, this study deploys an interdisciplinary approach drawing from EU law and social sciences. It combines EU legislation and case law of the European Court of Justice on the one hand, with a qualitative content analysis of official EU press releases on the other. The first part of the analysis focuses on the doctrinal legal analysis of the relevant EU law in order to account for the normative-legal basis and legitimacy of EU autonomous sanctions. The second part investigates if the EU in this particular case is guided by international norms (milieu goals) or economic interests (possession goals) and which foreign policy instruments it uses to pursue its objectives. The study finds that the EU is committed to its normative identity.
本研究文章探讨了规范在俄罗斯乌克兰战争背景下欧盟(EU)对俄制裁政策中的作用。它旨在回答这样一个研究问题:在这一特殊情况下,欧盟的外交政策在多大程度上可以被解释为具有规范力量。作为分析视角,本文使用了欧洲规范力量(NPE)框架。为了解决这一问题,本研究采用了一种跨学科方法,借鉴了欧盟法律和社会科学。它一方面结合了欧盟立法和欧洲法院的判例法,另一方面对欧盟官方新闻稿进行了定性内容分析。分析的第一部分侧重于对相关欧盟法律的理论法律分析,以说明欧盟自主制裁的规范法律基础和合法性。第二部分研究欧盟在这一特定案例中是以国际规范(环境目标)还是经济利益(占有目标)为指导,以及欧盟使用哪些外交政策工具来实现其目标。研究发现,欧盟致力于其规范身份。
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引用次数: 0
Method and Subject 方法与主题
Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.24437/global_europe.i123.1293
P. Cornwell
Research activities in the social sciences and humanities have traditionally conceived digital outputs in terms of databases and websites. Practically, most of these are still implemented using SQL, table-based, data structures and synchronic web technologies. However, the constant evolution of software means that browser functionality and security arrangements are constantly changing. As a result, few digital research outputs, except published literature, remain accessible for more than a few years. Recent progress with research data infrastructures is described, which has the potential to improve the sustainability of research investments. This article presents new standards-based annotation techniques, developed in the biodiversity community, which have been applied to global history research questions. Open repository software platforms supporting this ‘scientific treatment’ approach can now generate technology-independent data resources – supporting long-term reuse by the global community. Promoting institutional change to adopt these developments is discussed, so that costs of data stewardship can be made forecast-able.
社会科学和人文科学的研究活动传统上是以数据库和网站的形式构思数字产出的。实际上,其中大多数仍然使用SQL、基于表的数据结构和同步web技术来实现。然而,软件的不断发展意味着浏览器的功能和安全安排也在不断变化。因此,除了已发表的文献外,很少有数字研究成果能够在几年以上的时间内保持可访问性。描述了研究数据基础设施的最新进展,这有可能提高研究投资的可持续性。本文介绍了在生物多样性领域发展起来的新的基于标准的注释技术,这些技术已应用于全球历史研究问题。支持这种“科学处理”方法的开放存储库软件平台现在可以生成与技术无关的数据资源——支持全球社区的长期重用。讨论了促进机构变革以采用这些发展,从而使数据管理的成本可以预测。
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引用次数: 0
Citizenship, Time and Crisis 公民,时间和危机
Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.24437/global_europe.i123.1291
Teresa Pullano
Citizenship is a specific form of social and political closure, thus defining, in a dialectic relation, the changing “shape” of both political subjects and forms of government/statehood. Looking at citizenship as an institution of political subjectivity and statehood, I would like to raise two questions concerning its relation to (historical) time. How does the dual function of citizenship as a form of social closure and a tool for self emancipation change in times of crisis? What is the relationship between citizenship and moments of historical ruptures, be it wars, revolutions, or times of political transformation? Does citizenship contribute to shaping the temporal dimension of statehood on the one hand and of moments of collective or individual self-emancipation? Citizenship is simultaneously a discursive and a material structure. The hypothesis I want to bring forward is that it shapes our understanding of historical time according to these dimensions.
公民身份是社会和政治封闭的一种特殊形式,从而以辩证的关系定义了政治主体和政府/国家形式不断变化的“形态”。将公民身份视为一种政治主体性和国家地位的制度,我想提出两个关于其与(历史)时间关系的问题。公民身份作为一种社会封闭形式和自我解放工具的双重功能在危机时期是如何变化的?公民身份与历史断裂时刻(战争、革命或政治转型时期)之间的关系是什么?公民身份是否有助于一方面塑造国家地位的时间维度,以及集体或个人自我解放的时刻?公民身份既是一种话语结构,也是一种物质结构。我想提出的假设是,它根据这些维度塑造了我们对历史时间的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Scholars, States, and Human Rights 学者、国家和人权
Pub Date : 2022-06-16 DOI: 10.24437/globaleurope.i122.1109
Yanik Weingand
This article investigates the similarities between different critiques towards the international human rights system from academia and state-actors. On the one hand, there are the critiques from scholars of the Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) movement. On the other hand, there are critical points raised towards the international human rights system by China, Cuba, and Egypt in the reports from the first three cycles of their respective Universal Periodic Review (UPR) within the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). Through a literature review, the TWAIL critiques were first categorized and then worked into a framework of three basic pillars: the culture critique, the rhetoric critique, and the model critique. This framework was subsequently applied to the reports by way of a simplified Qualitative Content Analysis in order to extrapolate the similarities of the critiques from these two unlikely groups of actors.
本文探讨了学术界和国家行为体对国际人权体系的不同批评之间的相似性。一方面,有来自第三世界国际法方法(TWAIL)运动学者的批评。另一方面,中国、古巴和埃及分别在联合国人权理事会普遍定期审议的前三个周期报告中对国际人权体系提出了批评。通过文献综述,首先对TWAIL的批评进行了分类,然后将其归纳为三个基本支柱的框架:文化批评、修辞批评和模式批评。随后,通过简化的定性内容分析将这一框架应用于报告,以推断这两个不太可能的行为者群体的批评的相似之处。
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引用次数: 0
Geschickt koordinierender Pluralismus oder disharmonisches Prinzip der Nichteinmischung? 的多元主义协调或不干涉原则?
Pub Date : 2022-06-16 DOI: 10.24437/globaleurope.i122.1107
Christoph Leuppi
This article addresses the question of how the plurality of actors and subjects in Swiss China policy at the executive level affects the coherence of foreign policy towards China at the strategic policy level. The analysis is based on a legal and qualitative examination of the institutional foundations, evaluates the content of the relevant strategy papers and primary sources from the federal administration, while qualitative interviews allow it to be contextualized in the area of China policy. The results show that the legal basis favors the plurality of actors in Swiss China policy and thus the independence of the actors, which means that interdepartmental cooperation and the constellation of parties and persons in the Federal Council play an important role. Together with the vague overall strategic concept of the Federal Constitution, this ultimately promotes the emergence of intentional incoherence in the sense of different China policies within the federal executive.
本文探讨了瑞士对华政策中执行层面的行为者和主体的多元性如何影响战略层面对华外交政策的一致性。该分析基于对制度基础的法律和定性检查,评估了相关战略文件的内容和来自联邦政府的主要来源,而定性访谈使其能够在中国政策领域进行背景化。结果表明,瑞士对华政策的法律基础有利于行为主体的多元化,从而有利于行为主体的独立性,这意味着跨部门合作以及联邦委员会中政党和人员的聚集发挥了重要作用。再加上联邦宪法模糊的整体战略概念,这最终促使联邦行政部门在不同的中国政策意义上出现有意的不连贯。
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引用次数: 0
Entwicklung und Diskussion des Kriegsmaterialrechts seit 1972 1972年以后军事用法的发展和讨论
Pub Date : 2022-06-16 DOI: 10.24437/globaleurope.i122.1108
Jana Lichtin
Despite Switzerland’s international commitment to disarmament and peacebuilding, war materiel worth hundreds of millions of Swiss francs is exported every year. These exports have repeatedly led to debates in Swiss politics ever since the creation of the War Materiel Act in 1972. After an analysis of the constitutional and international legal framework for arms exports, this paper examines which interests and norms have been negotiated in the national legislative process by focusing on parliamentary debates since 1972. Through its interdisciplinary approach, the paper demonstrates that legal concepts have hardly played a role in the political process and that the political arguments have barely changed.
尽管瑞士在国际上致力于裁军和建设和平,但每年仍出口价值数亿瑞士法郎的战争物资。自1972年《战争物资法案》(War Materiel Act)出台以来,这些出口一再引发瑞士政界的争论。在分析了武器出口的宪法和国际法律框架之后,本文通过关注1972年以来的议会辩论,考察了哪些利益和规范在国家立法过程中进行了谈判。通过跨学科的方法,本文证明了法律概念在政治过程中几乎没有发挥作用,政治论点几乎没有改变。
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引用次数: 0
Legislative gegen Exekutive? – Die Kompetenzfrage in der aussenpolitischen Debatte 立法还是行政?外交政策方面的相关问题
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.24437/globaleurope.i121.522
Stefan Kalberer
This article addresses the question of how the Swiss parliament reacts to the internationalization of politics and the subsequent increase in the importance of foreign policy. In its first part, the article analyzes the division of power between the legislature and the executive in the field of foreign policy. The second part focuses on the practical relevance of these findings in a parliamentary debate. The study indicates that the power of both authorities is not clearly defined – neither in the constitution nor in the respective laws. Rather, the legal documents provide evidence of cooperative powers. The analysis of the parliamentary debate on whether or not to join the European Economic Area (EEA) reveals that parliament strives to gain more influence. However, even though various concerns about a power shift due to accession were raised, it was not a key argument against joining the EEA.
本文探讨了瑞士议会如何应对政治国际化以及外交政策重要性随之增加的问题。本文第一部分分析了外交政策领域立法与行政权力的划分。第二部分侧重于这些发现在议会辩论中的实际意义。研究表明,这两个当局的权力在宪法和各自的法律中都没有明确界定。相反,法律文件提供了合作权力的证据。对英国议会关于是否加入欧洲经济区的辩论的分析表明,英国议会力求获得更大的影响力。然而,尽管人们提出了关于加入欧洲经济区会导致权力转移的各种担忧,但这并不是反对加入欧洲经济区的主要理由。
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引用次数: 0
Stellung des Opfers vor dem Internationalen Strafgerichtshof 受害人的姿态
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.24437/globaleurope.i121.523
Talin Marino
The International Criminal Court (ICC) provides a procedural framework to victims, which grants them participation rights and assigns them a position as legal subjects. The status of victims at the ICC is not automatically inherent to international criminal law, but rather the preliminary result of a legal development and a process of political negotiation. In this paper, the development of victimhood is traced along the stages of international criminal law and its institutions leading to the implementation of the ICC. In addition, the paper detaches the concept of victimhood from a purely jurisprudential framework and transfers it to the concept of transitional justice. In doing so, it demonstrates that the victim-specific norms in the Rome  Statute have the potential for a restorative function.
国际刑事法院(ICC)为受害者提供了一个程序框架,赋予他们参与权,并赋予他们法律主体的地位。受害者在国际刑事法院的地位不是国际刑法自动固有的,而是法律发展和政治谈判进程的初步结果。在本文中,受害者情结的发展沿着国际刑法及其导致国际刑事法院实施的机构的各个阶段进行追踪。此外,本文还将受害者的概念从纯粹的法理学框架中分离出来,并将其转移到过渡司法的概念中。在这样做时,它表明《罗马规约》中针对受害者的规范具有恢复功能的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Europe – Basel Papers on Europe in a Global Perspective
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