Abstract Studies of the literary dimensions of English Renaissance madrigals frequently cordon off these works from non-musical forms, such as the prosodic experiments being carried out by humanist poets or the humanist practices of literary translation and imitation. Conversely, studies of humanist translation in England almost never consider recreational song, instead focusing exclusively on more ‘serious’ genres. However, several collections of recreational song published in the period present these songs as legitimate humanist works. In some cases, these collections offer the first English translations of classical and Renaissance poems. Nicholas Yonge’s Musica transalpina (1588) and Thomas Watson’s Italian madrigalls Englished (1590), for example, call attention to their translations of eminent Italian poets (Petrarch, Ariosto, Tasso) and address themselves to classically learned readers. The humanist character of such anthologies was well enough known to be satirized by Thomas Weelkes in his Ayeres and phantasticke spirites (1608), whose classical references have seldom been seriously considered. At the heart of these exchanges is an implicit debate over whether recreational song texts are an appropriate vehicle for humanist learning.
对文艺复兴时期英国牧歌文学维度的研究经常将这些作品与非音乐形式区分开来，例如人文主义诗人进行的韵律实验或文学翻译和模仿的人文主义实践。相反，英国的人文主义翻译研究几乎从不考虑休闲歌曲，而是专注于更“严肃”的类型。然而，这一时期出版的几部娱乐歌曲集将这些歌曲视为合法的人文主义作品。在某些情况下，这些合集提供了古典和文艺复兴时期诗歌的第一批英文译本。例如，尼古拉斯·杨格的《跨阿尔卑斯的音乐》(1588)和托马斯·沃森的《意大利牧歌英语》(1590)，让人们注意到他们对意大利著名诗人(彼特拉克、阿里奥斯托、塔索)的翻译，并将自己的目标读者定位于古典文学。这些选集的人文主义特征是众所周知的，托马斯·威尔克斯在他的《Ayeres and phantasticke spirites》(1608)中讽刺了这些选集，其经典引用很少被认真考虑。这些交流的核心是一个隐含的争论，即娱乐歌曲文本是否是人文主义学习的合适工具。
{"title":"<i>Nec doctum satis</i>: humanist translation and English recreational song","authors":"Joseph M Ortiz","doi":"10.1093/em/caad049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad049","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Studies of the literary dimensions of English Renaissance madrigals frequently cordon off these works from non-musical forms, such as the prosodic experiments being carried out by humanist poets or the humanist practices of literary translation and imitation. Conversely, studies of humanist translation in England almost never consider recreational song, instead focusing exclusively on more ‘serious’ genres. However, several collections of recreational song published in the period present these songs as legitimate humanist works. In some cases, these collections offer the first English translations of classical and Renaissance poems. Nicholas Yonge’s Musica transalpina (1588) and Thomas Watson’s Italian madrigalls Englished (1590), for example, call attention to their translations of eminent Italian poets (Petrarch, Ariosto, Tasso) and address themselves to classically learned readers. The humanist character of such anthologies was well enough known to be satirized by Thomas Weelkes in his Ayeres and phantasticke spirites (1608), whose classical references have seldom been seriously considered. At the heart of these exchanges is an implicit debate over whether recreational song texts are an appropriate vehicle for humanist learning.","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135185975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Journal Article Miscellany on the London stage Get access Alison C. DeSimone, The power of pastiche: musical miscellany and cultural identity in early eighteenth-century England. Studies in British Musical Cultures (Clemson, SC: Clemson University Press, 2021), $143 Thomas McGeary Thomas McGeary thomas_mcgeary@hotmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8337-7361 Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Early Music, caad041, https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad041 Published: 03 November 2023
杂志文章杂记在伦敦舞台获得访问艾莉森C.德西蒙，模仿的力量:音乐杂记和文化认同在十八世纪早期的英国。《英国音乐文化研究》(克莱姆森，南卡罗来纳州:克莱姆森大学出版社，2021年)，143美元Thomas McGeary Thomas McGeary thomas_mcgeary@hotmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8337-7361搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者早期音乐，caad041, https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad041出版日期:2023年11月3日
{"title":"Miscellany on the London stage","authors":"Thomas McGeary","doi":"10.1093/em/caad041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad041","url":null,"abstract":"Journal Article Miscellany on the London stage Get access Alison C. DeSimone, The power of pastiche: musical miscellany and cultural identity in early eighteenth-century England. Studies in British Musical Cultures (Clemson, SC: Clemson University Press, 2021), $143 Thomas McGeary Thomas McGeary thomas_mcgeary@hotmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8337-7361 Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Early Music, caad041, https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad041 Published: 03 November 2023","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135874681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Considers recent arguments about the choirbook Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, Ms. dccxli, and a convent in the city where it resides.
考虑到最近关于唱诗班书《维罗纳》、国会图书馆、dccxli女士和它所在城市的一座修道院的争论。
{"title":"Singing nuns? More on the story of Verona 761","authors":"Joshua Rifkin","doi":"10.1093/em/caad032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad032","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Considers recent arguments about the choirbook Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, Ms. dccxli, and a convent in the city where it resides.","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135977255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"<i>Poca robba, ma buona</i>: the recorded legacy of ornamentation practice in 16th- and 17th-century music","authors":"Jamie Savan","doi":"10.1093/em/caad043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad043","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136106008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Steffani made an important contribution to the cultivation of Italian opera in north Germany. Amor vien dal Destino must have been composed at Hanover in the 1690s but was not performed until 1709, at Düsseldorf. Several questions arise. Was it meant for 1694, the only year during his period at Hanover when there was no opera at the court? If so, why was it not performed? Why was it not performed before 1709? Why was it then staged at Düsseldorf? Why and how was the opera revised for that production? Who were the singers involved? Answers emerge from consideration of the Düsseldorf wordbook (especially its preface), of the autograph score and a hitherto neglected manuscript copy in Hanover, and of the circumstances of the two courts concerned. If these answers are correct, they demonstrate a close relationship between the opera and its social and political context.
{"title":"Steffani’s <i>Amor vien dal Destino</i>: new answers to old questions","authors":"Colin Timms","doi":"10.1093/em/caad039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad039","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Steffani made an important contribution to the cultivation of Italian opera in north Germany. Amor vien dal Destino must have been composed at Hanover in the 1690s but was not performed until 1709, at Düsseldorf. Several questions arise. Was it meant for 1694, the only year during his period at Hanover when there was no opera at the court? If so, why was it not performed? Why was it not performed before 1709? Why was it then staged at Düsseldorf? Why and how was the opera revised for that production? Who were the singers involved? Answers emerge from consideration of the Düsseldorf wordbook (especially its preface), of the autograph score and a hitherto neglected manuscript copy in Hanover, and of the circumstances of the two courts concerned. If these answers are correct, they demonstrate a close relationship between the opera and its social and political context.","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135218556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract When Matteo Ricci and the Jesuit missionaries landed in China in the late 16th century, they heard a language they could not readily reproduce in their own tongue. Unlike Latin and the Romance languages, Chinese is a tone language, in which the meaning of a word varies according to its relative pitch level. In order to Romanize Chinese, the Jesuits applied their knowledge of music theory and assigned solmization syllables to the Chinese tones. Although their manuscript musical dictionary remains lost, the essence of it is preserved in print in the most widely disseminated treatise on China of the time: China illustrata (1667), by the Jesuit polymath Athanasius Kircher. To date, sinologists have generally dismissed Kircher’s musical Chinese as unintelligible. Musicologists, meanwhile, having long poured over Kircher’s Musurgia universalis (1650), have yet to offer a detailed critique of China illustrata. In reapproaching this singular source in Sino-Western history, this article argues that the Jesuits’ musical representation of the Chinese language should not be rejected a priori. Kircher’s cryptic description of Chinese can, in fact, be clarified by a letter from Beijing in which a Jesuit spelled out the Chinese tones in musical staff notation. A musical analysis of the lead illustration in China illustrata—the Nestorian Stele of Xi’an—indicates that the Jesuits’ solmizations were closer approximations of Chinese than one might assume. Off-tone though it might at first appear, China illustrata is a valuable record of how the Jesuits Romanized Chinese.
{"title":"Romanizing Chinese: word–tone relations in Athanasius Kircher’s <i>China illustrata</i>","authors":"Jeffrey Levenberg","doi":"10.1093/em/caad013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When Matteo Ricci and the Jesuit missionaries landed in China in the late 16th century, they heard a language they could not readily reproduce in their own tongue. Unlike Latin and the Romance languages, Chinese is a tone language, in which the meaning of a word varies according to its relative pitch level. In order to Romanize Chinese, the Jesuits applied their knowledge of music theory and assigned solmization syllables to the Chinese tones. Although their manuscript musical dictionary remains lost, the essence of it is preserved in print in the most widely disseminated treatise on China of the time: China illustrata (1667), by the Jesuit polymath Athanasius Kircher. To date, sinologists have generally dismissed Kircher’s musical Chinese as unintelligible. Musicologists, meanwhile, having long poured over Kircher’s Musurgia universalis (1650), have yet to offer a detailed critique of China illustrata. In reapproaching this singular source in Sino-Western history, this article argues that the Jesuits’ musical representation of the Chinese language should not be rejected a priori. Kircher’s cryptic description of Chinese can, in fact, be clarified by a letter from Beijing in which a Jesuit spelled out the Chinese tones in musical staff notation. A musical analysis of the lead illustration in China illustrata—the Nestorian Stele of Xi’an—indicates that the Jesuits’ solmizations were closer approximations of Chinese than one might assume. Off-tone though it might at first appear, China illustrata is a valuable record of how the Jesuits Romanized Chinese.","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135903263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The run of morocco-bound manuscript scores of Handel’s oratorios and church music from the Royal Music Library, named the ‘Smith Collection’ by William Barclay Squire in 1927, was assembled as a set for King George III in the early years of his reign. Some of the volumes have year-dates for copying from the period 1766–70, but the sequence also incorporates earlier volumes that originated from the library of the king’s father (Frederick, Prince of Wales, d.1751), partially documented in a sale advertisement by a bookseller soon after Handel’s death. Squire believed that the series had been the property of John Christopher Smith and had been given to the king with the collection of Handel’s autograph scores in the 1770s. Newly identified documents from the Royal Library, now at Windsor, record payments for the copying of many of the scores and enable an alternative reconstruction of the history of the collection under the king’s influence, beginning in 1765–6. They also raise new questions about the identity of the music copyist ‘Mr Teede’. The completion of the series took place in the early 1770s, probably before the king received the autographs. For the shelves in George III’s library the oratorios were arranged in chronological order, but the diverse origins of the volumes had the result that, although the bindings were in similar styles, their sizes were not uniform.
1927年，威廉·巴克利·斯奎尔（William Barclay Squire）将英国皇家音乐图书馆（Royal music Library）收藏的亨德尔清唱剧和教堂音乐的摩洛哥手稿乐谱命名为“史密斯收藏”（Smith Collection），在国王乔治三世（King George III）执政初期为其收藏。其中一些卷的年份可以追溯到1766-70年，但该序列也包含了源自国王父亲（弗雷德里克，威尔士亲王，1751年）图书馆的早期卷，部分记录在亨德尔去世后不久一位书商的销售广告中。斯奎尔认为，该系列是约翰·克里斯托弗·史密斯的财产，并在17世纪70年代与亨德尔的亲笔签名集一起送给了国王。现在位于温莎的皇家图书馆新发现的文件记录了许多乐谱的复制费用，并使人们能够从1765年至1766年在国王的影响下重新构建藏品的历史。他们还对音乐文案“泰德先生”的身份提出了新的问题。该系列的完成发生在17世纪70年代初，可能在国王收到签名之前。在乔治三世图书馆的书架上，清唱剧是按时间顺序排列的，但这些卷的不同来源导致，尽管装订风格相似，但它们的大小并不一致。
{"title":"King George III and the ‘Smith Collection’ of Handel manuscripts","authors":"D. Burrows","doi":"10.1093/em/caad011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The run of morocco-bound manuscript scores of Handel’s oratorios and church music from the Royal Music Library, named the ‘Smith Collection’ by William Barclay Squire in 1927, was assembled as a set for King George III in the early years of his reign. Some of the volumes have year-dates for copying from the period 1766–70, but the sequence also incorporates earlier volumes that originated from the library of the king’s father (Frederick, Prince of Wales, d.1751), partially documented in a sale advertisement by a bookseller soon after Handel’s death. Squire believed that the series had been the property of John Christopher Smith and had been given to the king with the collection of Handel’s autograph scores in the 1770s. Newly identified documents from the Royal Library, now at Windsor, record payments for the copying of many of the scores and enable an alternative reconstruction of the history of the collection under the king’s influence, beginning in 1765–6. They also raise new questions about the identity of the music copyist ‘Mr Teede’. The completion of the series took place in the early 1770s, probably before the king received the autographs. For the shelves in George III’s library the oratorios were arranged in chronological order, but the diverse origins of the volumes had the result that, although the bindings were in similar styles, their sizes were not uniform.","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45334999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Eighteenth-century writings about the oboe in London tend to focus primarily on two performers: Giuseppe Sammartini (1695–1750) and Johann Christian Fischer (1733–1800). As Sammartini died in 1750 and Fischer arrived in London only in 1768, this leaves much uncertain about the period of time which separated them. One of the leading oboists in the years following Sammartini’s death was Thomas Vincent Jr. (c.1723–98), a student of Sammartini’s. Vincent was later mentioned by both William Thomas Parke (1761–1847) and Charles Burney (1726–1814) as a prominent performer who was popular until the arrival of Fischer. Was Vincent a skilled performer who was eclipsed by Fischer’s more brilliant style or a performer of lesser abilities and outdated style? Or were writers such as Parke and Burney simply biased in Fischer’s favour? A study of Vincent’s performance activities, his abilities as evidenced by his compositions, and a consideration of the differing musical styles of Vincent and Fischer’s works will demonstrate that Vincent was a venerable performer-composer in his own right and that the preference for Fischer expressed by later writers was less a dismissal of Vincent than a reflection of changing musical tastes.
{"title":"Performer, composer and impresario: Thomas Vincent Jr. (c.1723–1798) and the oboe in London, 1748–1768","authors":"Blake Johnson","doi":"10.1093/em/caad001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caad001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Eighteenth-century writings about the oboe in London tend to focus primarily on two performers: Giuseppe Sammartini (1695–1750) and Johann Christian Fischer (1733–1800). As Sammartini died in 1750 and Fischer arrived in London only in 1768, this leaves much uncertain about the period of time which separated them. One of the leading oboists in the years following Sammartini’s death was Thomas Vincent Jr. (c.1723–98), a student of Sammartini’s. Vincent was later mentioned by both William Thomas Parke (1761–1847) and Charles Burney (1726–1814) as a prominent performer who was popular until the arrival of Fischer. Was Vincent a skilled performer who was eclipsed by Fischer’s more brilliant style or a performer of lesser abilities and outdated style? Or were writers such as Parke and Burney simply biased in Fischer’s favour? A study of Vincent’s performance activities, his abilities as evidenced by his compositions, and a consideration of the differing musical styles of Vincent and Fischer’s works will demonstrate that Vincent was a venerable performer-composer in his own right and that the preference for Fischer expressed by later writers was less a dismissal of Vincent than a reflection of changing musical tastes.","PeriodicalId":44771,"journal":{"name":"EARLY MUSIC","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44775089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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