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IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-07 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12433
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引用次数: 0
After the Coup: Myanmar's Political and Humanitarian Crises , Anthony Ware and Monique Skidmore (eds.) ANU Press, Canberra, Australia, 2023, 348 pp. ISBN (Print): 9781760466138 政变之后:Myanmar's Political and Humanitarian Crises , Anthony Ware and Monique Skidmore (eds.) ANU Press, Canberra, Australia, 2023, 348 pp.ISBN (Print):9781760466138
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-10-23 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12430
Adam McCarty, Katie Brennan
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引用次数: 0
Shaping Long-Term Care in Emerging Asia: Policy and Country Experiences, Vasoontara S. Yiengprugsawan and John Piggott (eds), Routledge, London and New York, 2024, Pp. 137 + xxi ISBN 9780367674588 (hard back) 塑造新兴亚洲的长期护理:政策和国家经验》,Vasoontara S. Yiengprugsawan 和 John Piggott(编辑),Routledge,伦敦和纽约,2024 年,第 137 + xxi 页,ISBN 97803674588(硬皮)。137 + xxi ISBN 9780367674588(硬皮书)
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-10-17 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12431
Philip O'Keefe
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引用次数: 0
The Coalitions Presidents Make: Presidential Power and Its Limits in Democratic Indonesia, Marcus Mietzner, Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 2023, Pp. 285 + xvii, ISBN 9781501772641 (Hardcover) The Coalitions Presidents Make: Presidential Power and Its Limits in Democratic Indonesia, Marcus Mietzner, Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 2023, Pp.
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-10-14 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12432
R. William Liddle
<p>This book establishes Marcus Mietzner as the preeminent scholar of the democratic Indonesian presidency. Most individual chapters are masterpieces of analysis. They are based on a quarter century of research, extensive interviews from the presidents on down, thorough grasp of the scholarship, plus press coverage, including obscure media. Most originally, Mietzner asserts that the stability of Indonesia's two 10-year coalitional presidencies is causally related to Indonesia's widely observed democratic decline over the same period. ‘It substantiates the hypothesis that while coalitional presidentialism helps to explain Indonesian democracy's endurance, it also caused and sustained many of its defects’ (p. 30). The book's innovative causal argument, however, fails to persuade. This is partly because of sharp and in the end fatal differences in the behaviour of the two presidents he examines (the first obeyed the democratic constitution, the second systematically degraded it). Importantly, Mietzner also fails to understand the main drivers of the economy, which hobbles his ability to evaluate their economic policy successes and failures and the implications for democracy and modernity.</p><p>Coalitional presidencies in the comparative politics literature occur in democracies with presidential (as opposed to Parliamentary) governments and multi-party systems. To govern stably, minority presidents have to build majority coalitions. In Indonesia, Mietzner argues, presidents govern not just through the legislature, but also by adding other state and non-state actors to their coalitions. Their goal is to ‘fend off impeachment and allow for more effective governance’ (p. 24). Adding these actors, Mietzner claims, better explains the Indonesian case and broadens our theoretical understanding.</p><p>Mietzner begins by locating Presidents Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014) and Joko Widodo (2014–2024) in their historical and institutional contexts. Indonesia's first two presidents, founding father Sukarno (1945–1965) and Army General Suharto (1966–1998), were autocrats with complex legacies. Mietzner's account is balanced and authoritative. The first test of his theory is to determine whether Presidents Yudhoyono and Widodo did in fact govern this way. How did each engage state and non-state actors: parties, legislature, military, police, bureaucracy, local governments, oligarchs, and Muslim organisations? In each chapter, the power resources, formal and informal, of the other actor (such as the parties, legislature, military and so on) are addressed first, followed by those of the president, then the engagement between them, followed by an illustrative case study. In many of these chapters, Mietzner's brilliant analysis is miles ahead of previous studies.</p><p>On parties, a puzzle for analysts is why have both presidents created oversized party coalitions in parliament? Mietzner shows that Indonesian parties perform multiple functions that overlap with
2023 年 10 月,他操纵法院,让自己的妹夫(法院院长)改变总统和副总统提名规则,让总统候选人普拉博沃-苏比安托提名自己的侄子、维多多的儿子吉布兰-拉卡布明-拉卡(Gibran Rakabuming Raka)为竞选搭档。这对搭档当选;他们于 2024 年 10 月 20 日就职。10 月之后,米茨纳的 N 个两位直选总统增加到 3 位,仍然是一个很小的数字。普拉博沃总统是更像谨慎、接受民主规范的尤多约诺,还是更像民主堕落的维多多?还是他将选择自己的道路?普拉博沃的竞选言论以及他过去的许多经历在两个方面令人担忧:民主和经济政策。作为 Gerindra 党的领导人,他建议恢复修改前的宪法。苏加诺和苏哈托时代的人民协商会议由国会议员、各地区代表以及劳工、农民和学生等企业团体代表组成,总统将由人民协商会议间接选举产生。在最初的宪法中,这些团体的选举方法都没有明确规定,这使得苏加诺和苏哈托都可以自由发挥。改革的主要成就之一是规范了机构和选举。直接选举总统以及地区行政长官也是一项非常受欢迎的举措,如果推翻这一举措,可能会引发类似 1997-1998 年期间的街头抗议活动。2024 年 8 月,维多多和普拉博沃在幕后合作,用一名维多多的忠实拥护者毫不客气地取代了现任戈尔卡党主席。戈尔卡党是议会中的第二大党,拥有 15% 的席位,也是制度化程度最高的政党之一。维多多和普拉博沃目前的目标之一是限制 11 月省长选举中的竞争。在经济政策方面,从哈比比到维多多的每一任民主党总统都试图在苏哈托总统执政的最后四分之一世纪里实现近 8% 的年增长率。这为现代经济和社会奠定了基础。其中一个关键是审慎的宏观经济领导,首先是在苏哈托的经济大师维德乔乔-尼蒂斯特罗(Widjojo Nitisastro)的领导下,然后是在维多多担任总统期间的大部分时间里在财政部长斯里-穆利亚尼-因德拉瓦蒂(Sri Mulyani Indrawati)的领导下。据报道,普拉博沃的主要经济顾问德拉贾德-维博沃(Drajad Wibowo)曾因斯里-穆利亚尼拒绝他作为国防部长提出的预算建议而恼羞成怒。2016 年,维博沃反对任命她为财政部长,称她是 "华盛顿共识学派的新自由主义产物"。如果普拉博沃在选择财政部长和其他关键宏观经济职位时,要么像国防部的例子所表明的那样受狭隘官僚利益的左右,要么像 "新自由主义 "的诽谤所表明的那样受意识形态的左右,那么印尼的经济未来将岌岌可危。第三种可能性同样严峻,那就是像普拉博沃所承诺的那样,将所得税的征收从财政部移出,直接由总统控制。自 1965 年以来,澳大利亚国立大学每三年出版一次的《印尼经济研究公报》(BIES)为我们提供了世界上对印尼经济、印尼问题及其经济和政治解决方案的最佳分析。2024 年 8 月 24 日,普拉博沃发表重要讲话,呼吁按照他的竞选承诺实行经济自给自足并限制民主。现在看来,普拉博沃政府的最大特点是金融腐败和政治腐败的恶化,前者是因为精英们在寻租时受到的限制会更少,后者是因为普拉博沃会以非法和不民主的方式对顽固不化的精英和公民执法。总之,由于尤多约诺和维多多担任总统期间的截然不同,我们需要谨慎接受米茨纳的因果论证。我们对普拉博沃计划的了解表明,总统联盟不会继续保持稳定,政体、经济和社会将面临黑暗时代。
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引用次数: 0
Fixing the Foundation—Teachers and Basic Education in East Asia and Pacific, Rythia Afkar, Tara Beteille, Mary E. Breeding, Toby Linden, Andrew E. Mason, Aaditya Mattoo, Tobias Pfutze, Lars M. Sondergaard, and Noah Yarrow, World Bank East Asia and Pacific Regional Report, Washington DC, 2023 Pp. 135, ISBN 978-1-4648-1904-9 (paper) 修复基础--东亚和太平洋地区的教师与基础教育》,Rythia Afkar、Tara Beteille、Mary E. Breeding、Toby Linden、Andrew E. Mason、Aaditya Mattoo、Tobias Pfutze、Lars M. Sondergaard 和 Noah Yarrow,世界银行东亚和太平洋地区报告,华盛顿特区,2023 年,第 135 页,ISBN 978-1648-1904-9(纸质)。135, ISBN 978-1-4648-1904-9 (paper)
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-10-14 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12429
Anne Daly
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引用次数: 0
The impact of feminism-related public discussions on the promotion of female senior executives: evidence from China 与女权主义相关的公开讨论对女性高管晋升的影响:来自中国的证据
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-05 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12422
Jing Liu

Using panel data of the A-share listed firms in China from 2015 to 2021, this article studies the impact of feminism-related public discussions on the promotion of female senior executives. Empirical results find that feminism-related public discussion can push firms to increase the ratio of female senior executives. Further research finds that the effect is more significant in firms whose chairmen are male, firms that are not state-owned enterprises, and firms whose employees are better educated. In addition, economic consequences tests show that when the public pays more attention to feminism, a high ratio of female senior executives can contribute to improving firm value. The findings in this article can be conducive to understanding the influence of public opinion on female career development and firms' decision-making.

本文利用 2015 年至 2021 年中国 A 股上市公司的面板数据,研究了女性主义相关公开讨论对女性高管晋升的影响。实证结果发现,与女权主义相关的公开讨论能够推动企业提高女性高管的比例。进一步的研究发现,在董事长为男性的企业、非国有企业以及员工受教育程度较高的企业中,这种影响更为显著。此外,经济后果测试表明,当公众更加关注女性主义时,高比例的女性高管会有助于提高公司价值。本文的研究结果有助于理解舆论对女性职业发展和企业决策的影响。
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引用次数: 0
What drives the foreign investment in Nepal? Investors' perception analysis 是什么推动了尼泊尔的外国投资?投资者的看法分析
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12421
Pujan Adhikari, Rohan Byanjankar, Surya Subba, Siddha Raj Bhatta, Prayush Man Shrestha

The study aims to identify the motives of foreign direct investment in Nepal and analyse the perceived strengths and weaknesses of investment climate. Additionally, it examines the experience of foreign investors in Nepal in terms of further investment plans and net promoter scores attributed to the host country. The study relies on primary data collected from the survey of 65 sampled industries with foreign direct investment, using structured questionnaires. Descriptive analysis has been used to assess the key factors motivating foreign investors. The findings reveal that labour cost, repatriation facility, industrial security, low operating costs, access to neighbouring market/trade openness, and investment and communal hospitality stand out as major motivating factors, while political instability, macroeconomic instability, availability of machinery and equipment, road access, and bureaucracy are the major precluding factors. The policy reforms in Nepal have notably shaped investors' perceptions. Acts like the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act, 1992, and subsequent amendments such as the Foreign Investment and Loan Management, 2021, have significantly motivated investors by improving repatriation facilities and ease of VISA and work permit accessibility. Despite the efforts, land facilitation for foreign investors has been perceived as a weakness. The net promoter score for Nepal is 12 on a scale from −100 to +100, which is positive, albeit low, indicating a substantial gap to attain full promoters and needs to be improved by further enhancing the investment climate.

本研究旨在确定外国在尼泊尔直接投资的动机,并分析投资环境的优势和劣势。此外,本研究还考察了外国投资者在尼泊尔进一步投资计划方面的经验以及对东道国的净促进得分。本研究使用结构化问卷对 65 个有外国直接投资的行业进行了抽样调查,从中收集了一手数据。研究采用了描述性分析方法来评估激励外国投资者的关键因素。调查结果显示,劳动力成本、回国便利、产业安全、低运营成本、进入邻国市场/贸易开放以及投资和社区热情好客是主要的激励因素,而政治不稳定、宏观经济不稳定、机械设备供应、道路交通和官僚主义则是主要的阻碍因素。尼泊尔的政策改革显著地影响了投资者的看法。1992 年《外国投资和技术转让法》等法案以及随后的 2021 年《外国投资和贷款管理法》等修正案,通过改善回国便利、简化签证和工作许可的获取,极大地调动了投资者的积极性。尽管做出了这些努力,但为外国投资者提供土地便利仍被视为一个薄弱环节。尼泊尔的净促进者得分在-100 到+100 之间为 12 分,尽管较低,但仍是积极的,这表明与完全促进者还有很大差距,需要通过进一步改善投资环境来加以改进。
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引用次数: 0
The effects of weather shock on income inequality: evidence from Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) member economies 天气冲击对收入不平等的影响:来自亚太经济合作组织(APEC)成员经济体的证据
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12420
Woo-Hyung Hong, Wongi Kim

This study empirically investigates the dynamic effects of weather shock on within-country income inequality. Using panel data of 17 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) member economies, we estimate impulse responses via the local projection method. Moreover, temperature and precipitation shocks, defined as deviations of temperature and precipitation from their historical norms, are exploited to measure country-specific weather shocks. The empirical results reveal the following. First, temperature and precipitation shocks deteriorate income inequality measured by the Gini index; these effects are long-lasting. Moreover, asymmetric effects exist: heat waves and droughts more significantly increase income inequality than cold waves and floods. Lastly, current redistribution policies do not seem to effectively mitigate those adverse effects.

本研究通过实证研究探讨了天气冲击对国内收入不平等的动态影响。我们使用 17 个亚太经合组织(APEC)成员经济体的面板数据,通过本地预测法估算脉冲响应。此外,我们还利用气温和降水冲击(定义为气温和降水偏离其历史常态)来衡量特定国家的天气冲击。实证结果显示了以下几点。首先,气温和降水冲击会加剧以吉尼指数衡量的收入不平等;这些影响是长期的。此外,还存在非对称效应:热浪和干旱比寒潮和洪水更显著地加剧收入不平等。最后,目前的再分配政策似乎不能有效缓解这些不利影响。
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引用次数: 0
Spillover effects of Japanese firms and the role of absorptive capacity in Vietnam 日本公司的溢出效应和吸收能力在越南的作用
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12417
Vu Hoang Duong, Tuong Phi Vinh

The paper examines the role of the absorptive capacity of Vietnamese manufacturing firms in facilitating the link from Japanese spillovers to the productivity of local firms in the manufacturing sector. By using the Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) and threshold regression model with dynamic panel data from 2005 to 2018, the paper finds the following points. Firstly, the appearance and operation of Japanese firms can bring the positive horizontal labour effect and backward competition effect but it also brings the negative backward labour effect. Secondly, the absorptive capacity of domestic firms can help reduce the negative spillover effects and increase the positive spillover effects. Finally, if domestic firms cannot reach a threshold of absorptive capacity, they will suffer from Japanese spillovers while if they meet the threshold of absorptive capacity, they can enjoy the externalities from the operation and cooperation with Japanese firms.

本文研究了越南制造业企业的吸收能力在促进日本溢出效应与当地制造业企业生产率之间的联系方面所起的作用。通过使用广义矩法(GMM)和门槛回归模型,结合2005年至2018年的动态面板数据,本文发现了以下几点。首先,日本企业的出现和运营会带来正的横向劳动力效应和后向竞争效应,但同时也会带来负的后向劳动力效应。其次,国内企业的吸收能力有助于减少负溢出效应,增加正溢出效应。最后,如果国内企业的吸收能力达不到临界值,就会受到日本溢出效应的影响,而如果国内企业的吸收能力达到临界值,就可以享受到与日本企业经营合作带来的外部效应。
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引用次数: 0
Is carbon emission trading policy a panacea? The implications of promoting green total factor productivity 碳排放交易政策是灵丹妙药吗?促进绿色全要素生产率的影响
IF 1.1 4区 经济学 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1111/apel.12418
Zhangting Hui, Chang Hwan Choi

Market-based environmental regulation is crucial in influencing environmental and socioeconomic development. Carbon emission trading (CET) policy in China has been implemented since 2012 to balance the environment and economy, especially the green total factor productivity (GTFP). Most previous studies have only conducted short-term investigations on the impact of CET on environmental and socioeconomic development. In this study, we investigated panel data from 30 regions in China during 2003–2019, adopted the Global Malmquist-Luenberger and Super-SBM methods to measure GTFP, and employed the propensity score matched difference in difference (PSM-DID) to investigate the effect of CET policy on the environment, GTFP, and secondary industry output. The results indicate that CET policy has a positive influence on carbon emission reduction, contributes to the improvement of GTFP, and provides economic value. Therefore, we believe that CET policy can effectively help China to achieve a win-win scenario of environmental protection and economic growth.

以市场为基础的环境监管对环境和社会经济发展的影响至关重要。中国自 2012 年开始实施碳排放权交易(CET)政策,以平衡环境与经济,尤其是绿色全要素生产率(GTFP)。以往的大多数研究仅对碳排放交易对环境和社会经济发展的影响进行了短期调查。在本研究中,我们调查了中国 30 个地区 2003-2019 年的面板数据,采用 Global Malmquist-Luenberger 和 Super-SBM 方法测算 GTFP,并采用倾向得分匹配差分法(PSM-DID)研究 CET 政策对环境、GTFP 和第二产业产出的影响。结果表明,CET 政策对碳减排有积极影响,有助于改善 GTFP,并提供经济价值。因此,我们认为 CET 政策能有效帮助中国实现环境保护与经济增长的双赢。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asian-Pacific Economic Literature
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