Journal of Policy History最新文献

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“Granting” Justice, Debating Delinquency: The Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Offenses Control Act and the UNC Training Center on Delinquency and Youth Crime, 1961–1967 "给予 "正义，辩论犯罪：少年犯罪和青少年犯罪控制法》和联合国大学少年犯罪和青少年犯罪培训中心，1961-1967 年

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000258

Julia Short

This article argues that 1961 to 1967 was a critical period when federal, state, and academic institutions looked with hope toward emerging methods in behavioral and social psychology to train juvenile justice officials and to treat delinquent children. Reflecting liberal optimism regarding the possibility of reforming individual behavior without structural change, the Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Offenses Control Act of 1961 provided project funding to cities, nonprofits, and universities. Using the University of North Carolina’s Training Center on Delinquency and Youth Crime as a case study, this article examines how federal funding was used for “experiments” with group therapy, youth incarceration, and cocreation of juvenile justice. Though largely inconclusive, these experiments demonstrated the existence of alternatives to the hyperinstitutionalization of juvenile offenders that accelerated after the Supreme Court’s 1967 decision of In re Gault.

本文认为，1961 年至 1967 年是一个关键时期，联邦、州和学术机构满怀希望地将目光投向行为和社会心理学的新兴方法，以培训少年司法官员和治疗犯罪儿童。1961 年的《青少年犯罪和青少年犯罪控制法案》（Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Offenses Control Act of 1961）为城市、非营利组织和大学提供了项目资金，这反映了自由主义者对不进行结构性变革而改革个人行为的可能性持乐观态度。本文以北卡罗来纳大学少年犯罪和青少年犯罪培训中心为例，探讨了联邦资金如何被用于团体治疗、青少年监禁和青少年司法共同创造的 "实验"。尽管这些实验在很大程度上没有得出结论，但它们表明，在最高法院于 1967 年对 In re Gault 案做出裁决之后，存在着替代将少年犯过度机构化的办法。

引用次数: 0

The Most Iniquitous Lobby: The Committee for Constitutional Government and the Shaping of American Politics, 1937–1955 无处不在的游说团体宪政委员会与美国政治的形成，1937-1955 年

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000301

Alex McPhee-Browne

This article examines the Committee for Constitutional Government, a conservative organization that spearheaded a novel form of mass-based mobilization and direct-mail propaganda to counter New Deal reforms from 1937 to the late 1950s. I argue that the members of the committee offered a supple and variegated response to New Deal liberalism, one with deep roots in the American past. Organizationally, the committee differed from other conservative groups of the period in the vastly greater reach of its propaganda, the small-donor financial base of its operations, and its extensive cultivation of a grassroots movement committed to right-wing reform. The committee was a critical political actor from 1937 to 1955, systematically shaping legislation and countering the trend toward social democracy in America. The ultimate result of its campaigns was to retard the growth of the administrative state and help formulate a cogent conservative critique of reformist liberalism.

宪政委员会是一个保守派组织，从 1937 年到 20 世纪 50 年代末，该组织带头采取一种新颖的群众动员和直接邮寄宣传方式来反对新政改革。我认为，该委员会的成员对新政自由主义做出了灵活多样的回应，这种回应深深扎根于美国的过去。在组织上，该委员会与当时的其他保守派团体不同，它的宣传范围更广，其运作以小额捐赠为财政基础，并广泛培养致力于右翼改革的基层运动。从 1937 年到 1955 年，该委员会在政治上发挥了至关重要的作用，系统地影响了美国的立法，抵制了美国社会民主化的趋势。其运动的最终结果是延缓了行政国家的发展，并帮助形成了保守派对改革派自由主义的有力批判。

引用次数: 0

Identity Politics within Kentucky’s Civil Service and the Growth of the Bureaucratic State 肯塔基州公务员制度中的身份政治与官僚国家的发展

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000325

James Larry Hood

For five decades now the various levels of government in the United States, through the use of affirmative action and diversity policies, have sought a more racially and gender-wise equitable society with respect to equal employment opportunity. Governments established hiring goals for women and racial minorities. Goals became quotas as state and local governments (and private employers) that were dependent on federal money made certain that goals produced desired results by preferring people based on their race or gender. This article is a case study of how the Commonwealth’s welfare cabinet over two decades ago used long-standing civil service regulations and policies to pursue preferential employment practices while conterminously pursuing greater societal equity by reducing governmental oversight of welfare programs. All this foreshadowed President Biden’s iteration of affirmative action—federal equity directives regarding employment preferences and greater conditions of equality. After the events described herein, Democratic Kentucky transformed itself into a Republican state.

五十年来，美国各级政府通过采取平权行动和多元化政策，在平等就业机会方面寻求建立一个在种族和性别方面更加公平的社会。政府为妇女和少数种族制定了雇用目标。目标变成了配额，因为依赖联邦资金的州政府和地方政府（以及私人雇主）通过基于种族或性别的偏好来确保目标产生预期的结果。本文通过一个案例研究了二十多年前联邦福利内阁是如何利用长期存在的公务员法规和政策来推行优先就业的，同时又通过减少政府对福利项目的监督来追求更大的社会公平。这一切都预示着拜登总统的平权行动--联邦公平指令--的迭代，涉及就业优惠和更大的平等条件。在本文所述事件之后，民主党的肯塔基州转变为共和党的肯塔基州。

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A New Deal for Wine 葡萄酒新政

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000337

Kathryn Olmsted, Eric Rauchway

Currently, scholars hold that the government’s principal contribution to the California wine industry’s recovery from Prohibition in the 1930s was to get out of the way, freeing entrepreneurs to conduct business properly; according to this interpretation, the United States only taxed the product and impeded progress. But this article argues that in the areas of regulation, promotion, and protection of the wine industry, the federal government provided a framework for California winemakers to succeed and that, moreover, it often did so at their request and in cooperation with them. Though New Deal laws and regulations did not benefit all stakeholders equally, they did work to bring economic recovery to an industry that suffered from both Prohibition and the Depression.

目前，有学者认为，20 世纪 30 年代，政府对加州葡萄酒业从禁酒令中复苏的主要贡献是让开道路，让企业家们自由地开展业务；根据这种解释，美国只是对产品征税，阻碍了进步。但本文认为，在对葡萄酒业的监管、促进和保护方面，联邦政府为加州酿酒商的成功提供了一个框架，而且，联邦政府往往是应他们的要求并与他们合作这样做的。尽管新政的法律法规并没有使所有利益相关者平等受益，但它们确实为饱受禁酒令和经济大萧条之苦的葡萄酒业带来了经济复苏。

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Mobilizing for the Mind: Veteran Activism and the National Mental Health Act of 1946 为心灵而动员：退伍军人行动主义与 1946 年国家心理健康法案

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000374

JORDEN PITT

Within a year of World War II’s end, the United States federal government passed the National Mental Health Act of 1946. This bill was the country’s first significant foray into the realm of psychological health. Many studies have examined the act and its legacy, including the creation of the National Institute of Mental Health. Fewer studies, however, have investigated the significant roles of veterans and veterans’ organizations in the passage of this legislation. This essay delves into these various roles and argues that veterans, from various professional backgrounds, united by creating strategic arguments to lobby for this act. Their motivations ranged from the desire to destigmatize mental health issues to discovering methods for the prevention and treatment of psychiatric problems among American society. Ultimately, these veterans helped the nation revolutionize its approach to mental health policy and paved the way for future servicemembers to take a stand and become political actors.

二战结束后不到一年，美国联邦政府就通过了《1946 年国家心理健康法案》。该法案是美国在心理健康领域的首次重大尝试。许多研究都探讨了该法案及其遗产，包括国家心理健康研究所的创建。然而，较少研究调查了退伍军人和退伍军人组织在该法案通过过程中的重要作用。这篇文章深入探讨了这些不同的角色，并认为来自不同专业背景的退伍军人团结一致，提出了策略性论点，为该法案进行游说。他们的动机不一而足，有的希望消除心理健康问题的污名化，有的希望在美国社会中发现预防和治疗精神问题的方法。最终，这些退伍军人帮助国家革新了心理健康政策，并为未来的军人表明立场并成为政治行动者铺平了道路。

引用次数: 0

Bringing the Constituents Back In: The Politics of Social Security in the 1950s 让选民回归：20 世纪 50 年代的社会保障政治

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000350

ERIC S. YELLIN

This article argues that scholars’ current understanding of Social Security policy making in the 1950s is missing a crucial component: massive letter-writing campaigns by ordinary Americans. Americans’ letters to Congress—and the responses of members and their aides in public debates and constituent correspondence—reflect a more vibrant, more democratic, and messier policy-making process than scholars have previously recognized. In the 1950s, Congress voted to amend the Social Security Act of 1935 repeatedly, expanding both the number of occupations covered by the Old Age and Survivors Insurance program and the level of benefits individuals received. Scholars have depicted this expansion as the work of planners within the Social Security bureaucracy. Yet, the letters in congressional records reveal that the process of amending Social Security resulted from—and helped create—constituencies of Americans who felt entitled to make claims on the federal state apparatus.

本文认为，学者们目前对 20 世纪 50 年代社会保障政策制定的理解缺少了一个重要组成部分：普通美国人的大规模写信运动。美国人写给国会的信，以及议员及其助手在公开辩论和选民来信中的回应，反映了一个比学者们之前认识到的更有活力、更民主、更混乱的政策制定过程。20 世纪 50 年代，美国国会多次投票修改 1935 年《社会保障法》，扩大了老年和遗属保险计划覆盖的职业数量以及个人领取的福利水平。学者们将这种扩大描述为社会保障官僚机构内部规划者的工作。然而，国会记录中的信件显示，社会保障法案的修订过程是由那些认为有权向联邦国家机器提出诉求的美国人组成的，并帮助他们创建了这样一个群体。

引用次数: 0

Civic Republicanism, Liberty, and Police: The Roots of Modern English Policing 公民共和主义、自由与警察：现代英国警务的根源

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000386

J. ROBERT DALEIDEN

Modern English policing arose from crime, laws, and demands for social order, but this perspective further introduces matters of philosophy that ties political liberty to political economy as being less recognized but equally powerful contributors. Shown here is how civic republican political economy (1600–1750) policing lost favor to laissez-faire utilitarian preferences (1750–1829) and helped produce more civic democratic policing. Through this perspective, it shows that Sir Robert Peel’s 1829 police were really centuries in the making.

现代英国警务源于犯罪、法律和对社会秩序的要求，但这一视角进一步引入了将政治自由与政治经济联系在一起的哲学问题，这些问题虽不为人所熟知，但同样具有强大的促进作用。这里展示的是公民共和主义政治经济学（1600-1750 年）警务如何失去自由放任功利主义偏好（1750-1829 年）的青睐，并帮助产生更多的公民民主警务。从这个角度看，罗伯特-皮尔爵士的 1829 年警察制度实际上是几个世纪以来的产物。

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Rethinking the American Industrial Policy Debate: The Political Significance of a Losing Idea 反思美国工业政策辩论：一个失败理念的政治意义

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000362

TOM WRAIGHT

In the early 1980s “industrial policy” seemed to be emerging as the American left’s answer to supply-side economics. Yet soon after, supply-side economics was triumphant and industrial policy back in the political wilderness. This article investigates why the American left rejected industrial policy in the 1980s but appears to be reembracing it under the Biden administration. Via reviewing the history of the industrial policy debate, I argue that the American left rejected industrial policy proposals for several reasons including disunity within the Democratic party coalition, the growing strength of the venture capital industry, and the perceived incompatibility of industrial policy with American political institutions. Despite the defeat of industrial policy movement in the 1980s, however, I argue that a process of adaptation and reworking during the Clinton administration allowed industrial policy ideas to survive in “hibernation,” ultimately reemerging in the changed policy environment which followed the 2008 financial crisis.

20 世纪 80 年代初，"产业政策 "似乎成为美国左翼对供给侧经济学的回应。然而不久之后，供给侧经济学大获全胜，产业政策又回到了政治荒野。本文探讨了为什么美国左翼在 20 世纪 80 年代摒弃了产业政策，但在拜登政府的领导下似乎又重新拥抱了它。通过回顾产业政策辩论的历史，我认为美国左翼拒绝产业政策建议有几个原因，包括民主党联盟内部不团结、风险投资行业日益壮大以及认为产业政策与美国政治体制不相容。尽管产业政策运动在 20 世纪 80 年代遭到失败，但我认为，克林顿政府期间的调整和再创作过程使产业政策理念得以 "冬眠"，最终在 2008 年金融危机后政策环境发生变化时重新出现。

引用次数: 0

Evading Capture: U.S. Army Engineers and Railroad Policy, 1827–1853 逃避追捕：美国陆军工程师与铁路政策，1827-1853 年

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000088

ROBERT KAMINSKI

Until 1838 the U.S. government lent railroads Army engineers to survey routes. Though not strictly regulators, these army engineers would consequently face powerful versions of the incentives that make regulatory capture a pervasive problem—including an intensified “revolving door,” the opportunity for institutional empire building, and a fertile ground for cognitive capture. Nevertheless, engineering officers would push to abolish federal railroad aid, succeeding by 1838. This article argues that they turned against railroad aid when the nation’s growing rail network revitalized long-standing republican hopes of replacing standing armies and fortifications with floating batteries and militias. Though this scheme was strategically quixotic, Jacksonian populism and fiscal retrenchment during the Panic of 1837 combined with the transportation revolution to make it appear a credible threat to the Corps’s institutional raison d’être—building coastal fortifications. Engineers thus turned against railroad aid to protect their core competency, highlighting underappreciated tensions between institutional and industry interests.

直到1838年，美国政府才派出铁路工程师勘测路线。虽然不是严格意义上的监管者，但这些陆军工程师最终将面临强大的激励机制，这些激励机制使监管俘获成为一个普遍存在的问题——包括强化的“旋转门”，建立制度帝国的机会，以及认知俘获的肥沃土壤。然而，工程官员将推动废除联邦铁路援助，并在1838年取得成功。这篇文章认为，当国家不断增长的铁路网重振了共和党长期以来希望用浮动炮台和民兵取代常备军和防御工事的希望时，他们转而反对铁路援助。虽然这个计划在战略上是不切实际的，但杰克逊式的民粹主义和1837年大恐慌期间的财政紧缩，再加上交通革命，使它看起来对海军陆战队建立être-building海岸防御工事的制度理由构成了可信的威胁。因此，工程师们转而反对铁路援助，以保护他们的核心竞争力，突显了机构和行业利益之间被低估的紧张关系。

引用次数: 0

Clearing the Bench: The Perils of Appointing Politicians to the Cabinet 清理职位：任命政客进入内阁的危险

IF 0.2 4区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Journal of Policy History

Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0898030623000064

JONATHAN SPIEGLER, JACOB F. H. SMITH, AIDAN LOVELY

This article provides an analysis of the potential danger to a president’s policy agenda that comes from appointing a sitting elected official to the cabinet. We present historical data on cabinet secretaries since the founding and demonstrate that concerns about seats falling to the other party following the appointment of an elected official to the cabinet date back at least to Martin Van Buren’s establishment of the first American mass political party in 1828. We then focus on the post-Seventeenth Amendment cabinet and show that almost 30 percent of cabinet secretaries in this era who were elected officials at the time of their appointment left seats that flipped to the other party by the next regular general election. We conclude by discussing how our results compare with Alexander Hamilton, Martin Van Buren, and Woodrow Wilson’s differing views on the cabinet and the implications for the president’s policy agenda.

本文分析了任命一名现任民选官员进入内阁对总统政策议程的潜在危险。我们提供了自建国以来内阁秘书的历史数据，并证明了在任命民选官员进入内阁后席位落入另一方的担忧至少可以追溯到1828年马丁·范布伦建立美国第一个群众政党。然后，我们将重点放在第十七修正案后的内阁上，并表明在这个时代，几乎有30%的内阁部长在被任命时是民选官员，他们在下一次定期大选中离开了席位，转而支持另一个政党。最后，我们将讨论我们的研究结果与亚历山大·汉密尔顿、马丁·范布伦和伍德罗·威尔逊对内阁的不同看法以及对总统政策议程的影响进行比较。

引用次数: 0

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