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Hadrian's Wall and Border Studies: Problems and Prospects 哈德良长城与边界研究:问题与展望
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068113X22000253
A. Gardner
ABSTRACT Hadrian's Wall remains one of the most iconic elements of Roman frontier infrastructure, with considerable symbolic capital in all kinds of contemporary situations and representations. Whether inspiring the fictional ice wall in Game of Thrones or illustrating debates about English–Scottish relationships in Brexit-era Britain, the Wall has a powerful legacy. In more scholarly circles, the Wall sometimes figures in the literature of the emerging field of Border Studies, too, and in this paper I examine some of these representations, as a prelude to discussing what Border Studies offers to Wall studies within Roman archaeology. While the interdisciplinary nature of Border Studies can mean that Hadrian's Wall is misunderstood when taken out of context, this does not mean that the broader insights of Border Studies have no value to Roman archaeologists in better interpreting the Wall and its place in Roman Britain. To the contrary, the combination of innovative theories of frontiers and borderlands with detailed, nuanced understanding of the Wall communities through time has much to offer the archaeology of Britain in the Roman empire. Indeed, this field has the potential to connect frontier studies better with other dimensions of Roman provincial archaeology than has been typical in our discipline over much of the last half-century.
摘要哈德良长城仍然是罗马边境基础设施中最具标志性的元素之一,在各种当代情况和表现中都有相当大的象征资本。无论是《权力的游戏》中虚构的冰墙,还是英国脱欧时代英国关于英苏格兰关系的辩论,冰墙都有着强大的遗产。在更学术的圈子里,长城有时也会出现在新兴的边界研究领域的文献中,在本文中,我研究了其中的一些表现,作为讨论边界研究为罗马考古学中的长城研究提供了什么的前奏。虽然边境研究的跨学科性质可能意味着断章取义会误解哈德良长城,但这并不意味着边境研究的更广泛见解对罗马考古学家更好地解释长城及其在罗马不列颠的地位没有价值。相反,创新的边境和边疆理论与对长城社区的详细、细致的理解相结合,对罗马帝国时期的英国考古有很大帮助。事实上,在过去半个世纪的大部分时间里,这一领域有可能将边疆研究与罗马省级考古的其他维度更好地联系起来。
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引用次数: 1
Claudius, Elephants and Britain: Making Sense of Cassius Dio 60.21.2 克劳迪斯、大象与英国:解读卡西乌斯·迪奥60.21.2
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068113X22000265
M. Charles, M. Singleton
Abstract Narratives of the Claudian invasion of Britain in a.d. 43 have regularly referred to elephants being part of Claudius’ force, with some accounts even suggesting that Claudius paraded the beasts through Colchester (Camulodunum), or even rode on top of one. This study investigates these claims, which derive solely from a somewhat ambiguous reference in Cassius Dio's (60.21.2) description of the invasion. Temporal and logistical constraints, together with military and iconographic considerations, however, make it highly unlikely that the animals, even if they had been assembled on the Channel, made their way across to Britain. Overall, the study shows that Dio's testimony should be treated with extreme caution, and should be accorded only parenthetical importance in treatments of the Claudian invasion.
关于公元43年克劳迪斯入侵英国的抽象叙述经常提到大象是克劳迪斯部队的一部分,一些报道甚至暗示克劳迪斯带领大象穿过科尔切斯特(Camulodunum),甚至骑在大象身上。本研究调查了这些说法,这些说法完全源于卡西乌斯·迪奥(60.21.2)对入侵的描述中有点模糊的引用。然而,时间和后勤方面的限制,加上军事和图像方面的考虑,使得这些动物极不可能穿越英吉利海峡到达英国。总的来说,这项研究表明,Dio的证词应该极其谨慎地对待,在处理Claudian入侵事件时,应该只给予附带的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
6. EAST ANGLIA
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0068113x22000435
A. Lyons
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引用次数: 0
9.1. SOUTHERN COUNTIES (WEST) 9.1南部各县(西部)
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0068113x22000460
J. Salvatore
the second to fourth centuries A.D., with an emphasis on the late Roman period. The buildings may have been constructed using a combination of stone and timber, with the stone elements providing the foundation for the timber elements. The function of the buildings is unclear, in part hampered by the truncated nature of the remains. It is possible that these buildings may have served a variety of agricultural functions, perhaps being used on a seasonal basis. One phase of the site is associated with small-scale iron-working. Large quantities of industrial waste were recorded from two of the buildings, one of which was associated with a probable bowl furnace. An east– west ditch that appears to be contemporary could suggest the division of the area west of the boundary ditch into smaller plots. The identified buildings could define part of a wider complex of Roman buildings extending beyond the limit of excavation. Alongside the structural remains a series of ditches were recorded. These include the L-shaped section of ditch which could reflect the remains of a small pen or enclosure. Other small ditches may represent shallow drainage gullies.113
公元二至四世纪,重点是罗马晚期。建筑物可以使用石头和木材的组合建造,石头元件为木材元件提供基础。这些建筑的功能尚不清楚,部分原因是遗骸被截断。这些建筑可能具有各种农业功能,可能在季节性的基础上使用。该场地的一个阶段与小型炼铁有关。其中两栋建筑记录了大量工业废物,其中一栋可能与碗状炉有关。一条看起来是当代的东西沟渠可能表明边界沟渠以西的区域被划分为更小的地块。已确定的建筑可以定义超出挖掘范围的更广泛的罗马建筑群的一部分。除了结构遗迹外,还记录了一系列沟渠。其中包括沟渠的L形部分,它可以反映出一个小围栏或围栏的遗迹。其他小沟渠可能代表浅排水沟。113
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引用次数: 0
BRI volume 53 Cover and Front matter BRI第53卷封面和封面
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0068113x22000496
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引用次数: 0
I. SITES EXPLORED 1. WALES I.已勘探的场地1。威尔士
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0068113x22000381
Evan M. Chapman
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引用次数: 0
IV. SPOTLIGHT ON NEW RESEARCH IV、 关注新研究
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068113X22000344
The Weald of Sussex was one of the major sources of iron in Britain. However, questions still remain regarding the organisation and control of such production sites in the Roman era. This thesis explores the social organisation of Roman-period iron production through the investigation, analysis and discussion of two case studies located at Chitcombe and Standen. The research identifies and interprets archaeological features, particularly deposits of technological waste, to look at the processes of iron production, the role of the sites within the wider landscape, their connectivity and level of influence. In summary, the scale of iron-production sites across the Weald was found to vary greatly. Chitcombe is identified as a large-scale industrial iron-production site most likely under military control, with evidence for high-level spatial planning with distinct areas for smelting activities and workshops. Standen, meanwhile, represents a small-scale site with evidence for a much lower intensity of smelting and no indication of control or organisation. Coupled with a programme of excavation, the application of a multi-faceted geo-prospection methodology, incorporating magnetometry, electrical resistivity tomography (ERT), induced polarisation (IP) and electromagnetic surveys, offering both horizontal and vertical images of the sites, is shown to offer an understanding of waste deposits as a whole. The strategy designed for the investigations of these sites has created a system of repeatable and comparable datasets that can be built upon with further studies.
苏塞克斯郡是英国主要的铁产地之一。然而,关于罗马时代这些生产基地的组织和控制问题仍然存在。本文通过对位于奇库姆和斯坦登的两个案例的调查、分析和讨论,探讨了罗马时期铁生产的社会组织。该研究确定并解释了考古特征,特别是技术废物的沉积物,以研究铁生产过程、遗址在更广泛景观中的作用、它们的连通性和影响程度。总之,研究发现,整个Weald地区的铁生产地规模差异很大。Chitcombe被认为是一个大规模的工业铁生产基地,很可能处于军事控制之下,有证据表明,这里有高水平的空间规划,有冶炼活动和车间的不同区域。与此同时,斯坦登是一个小规模的遗址,有证据表明冶炼强度要低得多,没有迹象表明有控制或组织。再加上挖掘计划,应用多方面的地质勘探方法,包括磁力计、电阻率断层扫描(ERT)、感应极化(IP)和电磁测量,提供这些地点的水平和垂直图像,显示出对废物沉积物的整体了解。为这些地点的调查设计的策略已经创建了一个可重复和可比较的数据集系统,可以建立在进一步研究的基础上。
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引用次数: 0
Hadrian in Germany and the Construction of the Limes Palisade in a.d. 120 德国的哈德良与公元120年利姆斯栅栏的建造
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1017/S0068113X22000204
A. Thiel
Abstract Germania Inferior and Germania Superior, along the Rhine, and neighbouring Raetia were provinces inherited by Hadrian which lacked major external threats and had the potential to become flourishing parts of the Roman Empire. Relying on his personal knowledge of the regional situation he strengthened civilian self-government by gradually reducing the role of the military. Apart from the legions, all other units were stationed in a small defined cordon at the edge of Roman territory. Together with the now well-dated building of the palisade as a continuous running barrier, Hadrian's initiatives might be seen as an imperial gift to the provincials.
下日耳曼尼亚和上日耳曼尼亚,沿着莱茵河,以及邻近的雷埃提亚是哈德良继承的行省,缺乏主要的外部威胁,有潜力成为罗马帝国繁荣的一部分。他依靠自己对地区形势的了解,逐步减少军队的作用,加强了文官自治。除了罗马军团,所有其他部队都驻扎在罗马领土边缘的一个划定的小警戒线里。哈德良的举措可能被视为帝国送给外省的一份礼物。
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引用次数: 0
Themed Section: Hadrian's Progress through the North-Western Provinces in a.d. 121–122 主题部分:公元121-122年间哈德良在西北各省的统治
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0068113x22000186
P. Bidwell
The following collection of seven papers marks the passing of 1900 years since Hadrian travelled through Germany and Britain, setting many things right according to the ancient historians. The emperor left Roman in A.D. 121, probably in the early spring, progressing through Gaul to the German frontier provinces, where he spent the winter. By the summer of the following year he was in Britain, where he almost certainly inspected the building of his great wall on the northern frontier. Winter found him in Tarraco, the principal city of Hispania Tarraconensis. In A.D. 123, he crossed to Africa and then travelled to the east, eventually returning to Rome in A.D. 125. More journeys were to follow, and the amount of time that Hadrian spent in the provinces was exceptional: his successor, Antoninus Pius, never left Italy after he gained power. Consolidation of the frontiers and the prosperity of the provinces were priorities for Hadrian in his administration of the empire. Wolfram Thill argues that the iconography of the Anaglypha Panels in the Roman Forum reflected concerns in the Senate about these policies and reminded the emperor not to neglect matters closer to home. Work on defining the frontier in Upper Germany with a wooden palisade began shortly before Hadrian’s visit, as Thiel explains. This barrier followed a line previously controlled by watch towers, fortlets and forts. Hadrian’s Wall in Britain, also following an existing line of control, was a much stronger fortification, reflecting the troubled state of the frontier which contrasted with the settled conditions in Germany when the palisade was built. Bidwell nevertheless proposes that the first of four stages in the development of the Hadrian’s Wall system incorporated the Devil’s Causeway, a road controlled by forts which ran for 87 km north of the Wall, along the western edge of the densely settled coastal plain of Northumberland. Thiel also refers to Hadrian’s promotions of towns and cities in Upper Germany and Raetia, part of a wider policy of urban development also discussed by Fulford and by Reddé and Mees. In the absence of the rich epigraphic record in the eastern parts of the empire, it is unclear how extensive Hadrian’s benefactions were in the western frontier provinces. Some of his policies had a less welcome effect on some local populations. The building of Hadrian’s Wall, as Bruhn and Hodgson demonstrate, soon disrupted the pattern of settlement which had flourished in north-east England during the late Iron Age and survived the early decades of conquest. Beyond the Wall there seems to have been a shift to more pastoral agriculture supporting far fewer people. To the south, there is increasing evidence for the settlement of immigrants in parts of modern County Durham and North Yorkshire, corresponding to the Britannia 53 (2022), 3–4 doi:10.1017/S0068113X22000186
根据古代历史学家的说法,以下七篇论文标志着哈德良穿越德国和英国1900年的过去,纠正了许多错误。皇帝于公元121年离开罗马,可能是在早春,穿过高卢前往德国边境省份,在那里度过了冬天。第二年夏天,他来到了英国,几乎可以肯定,他在那里视察了他在北部边境的长城建筑。温特在塔拉科找到了他,塔拉科是伊斯帕尼亚-塔拉科宁西斯的主要城市。公元123年,他穿越到非洲,然后前往东方,最终于公元125年返回罗马。接下来还有更多的旅程,哈德良在各省度过的时间非同寻常:他的继任者安东尼努斯·庇护在掌权后从未离开过意大利。巩固边疆和繁荣各省是哈德良管理帝国的首要任务。Wolfram Thill认为,罗马论坛中的象形文字小组的图像反映了参议院对这些政策的担忧,并提醒皇帝不要忽视离家更近的事情。蒂尔解释说,在哈德良访问前不久,用木栅栏界定上德国边界的工作就开始了。这道屏障遵循了以前由望塔、堡垒和堡垒控制的防线。英国的哈德良长城也遵循了现有的控制线,是一道坚固得多的防御工事,反映了边境的混乱状态,与德国建造栅栏时的定居条件形成了鲜明对比。然而,Bidwell提出,哈德良长城系统发展的四个阶段中的第一个阶段包括魔鬼堤,这是一条由堡垒控制的道路,在长城以北87公里,沿着诺森伯兰郡人口稠密的沿海平原的西部边缘。蒂尔还提到了哈德良对上德国和雷蒂亚城镇的宣传,这是富尔福德、雷德和梅斯也讨论过的更广泛的城市发展政策的一部分。由于帝国东部缺乏丰富的碑文记录,哈德良在西部边境省份的慈善活动有多广泛尚不清楚。他的一些政策对一些当地居民的影响并不那么受欢迎。正如布鲁恩和霍奇森所展示的那样,哈德良长城的建造很快就打破了铁器时代晚期在英格兰东北部蓬勃发展并在最初几十年的征服中幸存下来的定居模式。在隔离墙之外,似乎已经转向了更多的田园农业,支持的人要少得多。在南部,越来越多的证据表明,移民在现代达勒姆郡和北约克郡的部分地区定居,与不列颠尼亚相对应53(2022),3-4 doi:10.1017/S0068113X22000186
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引用次数: 0
III. INSCRIPTIONS III、 铭文
IF 0.4 4区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0068113x22000356
R. Tomlin
1 Inscriptions on STONE (‘Monumental’) have been arranged as in the order followed by R.G. Collingwood and R.P. Wright in The Roman Inscriptions of Britain Vol. i (Oxford, 1965) and (slightly modified) by R.S.O. Tomlin, R.P. Wright and M.W.C. Hassall, in The Roman Inscriptions of Britain Vol. iii (Oxford, 2009), which are henceforth cited respectively as RIB (1–2400) and RIB III (3001–3550). Citation is by item and not page number. Inscriptions on PERSONAL BELONGINGS and the like (instrumentum domesticum) have been arranged alphabetically by site under their counties. For each site they have been ordered as in RIB, pp. xiii–xiv. The items of instrumentum domesticum published in the eight fascicules of RIB II (Gloucester and Stroud, 1990–95), edited by S.S. Frere and R.S.O. Tomlin, are cited by fascicule, by the number of their category (RIB 2401–2505) and by their sub-number within it (e.g. RIB II.2, 2415. 53). Non-literate graffiti and graffiti with fewer than three complete letters have generally been excluded. When measurements are quoted, the width precedes the height. No curse tablets from Uley have been included this year. The whole corpus will now be published by Oxford University Press in its series Oxford Studies in Ancient Documents, as R.S.O. Tomlin, The Uley Tablets: Roman Curse Tablets from the Temple of Mercury at Uley (Gloucestershire). 2 Later in the same series of excavations as the two Purbeck Marble fragments published as Britannia 46 (2015), 383, No. 1 (SF 1964) and 384, No. 2 (SF 2577), neither of which it conjoins (SF 3527). Mike Fulford made it available. 3 The first vertical stroke is no more than a ‘chamfer’ on the broken left edge, preserving half the original width; and the very slight broadening downwards of both strokes suggests they should be viewed this way up, as in FIG. 1. The two letters cannot be identified, but the first would have been an abbreviation; and together they would have resembled the middle part of T Δ T in RIB 87 (Silchester).
1石碑上的铭文(“纪念碑”)按照R.G.Collingwood和R.P.Wright在《英国罗马铭文》第i卷(牛津,1965年)中遵循的顺序排列,R.S.O.Tomlin、R.P.Wright和M.W.C.Hassall在《英国罗曼铭文》第iii卷(牛津大学,2009年)中(略有修改),此后分别称为RIB(1-2400)和RIB III(3001-3550)。引文是按项目而非页码列出的。个人服饰和类似物品(家庭乐器)的铭文按所在县的地点按字母顺序排列。对于每个站点,它们已按照RIB第xiii–xiv页的规定进行了订购。S.S.Frere和R.S.O.Tomlin编辑的《RIB II》的八个分册(Gloucester和Stroud,1990–95)中发表的家庭乐器项目按分册、类别编号(RIB 2401–2505)及其子编号(如RIB II.2 2415)引用。53)。不识字的涂鸦和完整字母少于三个的涂鸦通常被排除在外。当引用测量值时,宽度先于高度。今年没有包含Uley的诅咒平板电脑。整个语料库现在将由牛津大学出版社在其系列《牛津古代文献研究》中出版,名为R.S.O.汤姆林,《乌利石碑:乌利(格洛斯特郡)墨丘利神庙的罗马诅咒石碑》。2后来在同一系列的发掘中,出版了《不列颠尼亚》46(2015)、383、1号(SF 1964)和384、2号(SF 2577)的两块珀贝克大理石碎片,它们都没有结合在一起(SF 3527)。迈克·富尔福德提供了它。3第一个垂直笔划不超过断开的左边缘上的“倒角”,保留了原始宽度的一半;并且两个笔画向下的非常轻微的加宽表明它们应该像图1中那样向上看。这两个字母无法识别,但第一个可能是缩写;并且它们一起将类似于RIB 87(Silchester)中TΔ。
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引用次数: 0
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Britannia
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