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IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203821000064
Nicolas Zorzin
In other words, capitalism is internal to the very structure and practice of archaeology. As part of the internally related dialectical whole, archaeology is capitalism, so working within our disciplinary boundaries means that our work can only perpetuate and reproduce those structures. This is essentially why I find the question whether archaeology is conceivable with the degrowth movement more than a little problematic. If neo-liberalism (growth, capitalism, etc.) no longer existed, neither would archaeology. And this leads me to my final point: that I think Zorzin has missed an opportunity to really contemplate what archaeology may look like in a world without capitalism (which is what degrowth is, after all). Since every aspect of archaeology is implicated in capitalist structures, archaeology would (hopefully) not exist as such in any form that we may recognize – the academy, CRM, NGOs, community organizations, etc. I do not think many of the ideas presented here are successful or satisfying, mainly because the framing is based on reified externally related entities, such as neo-liberalism and archaeology, that freeze complex dynamics and social relations. Rather than thinking about a ‘golden age’, in either the past or the future, that stems from facile either/ or framing, I find it more useful to think about the complexity of dialectical relations that both limit and enable action. Archaeology is capitalism but has always also been against capitalism. Archaeology has always served the nation state and thwarted it at the same time. Instead of seeing the solution in terms of a scheme of temporal stages, embracing the internal dialectical connectedness allows us to see that it is both at the same time. For me, the problem is not simply ‘growth’, but how to think about post-archaeological alternatives where we can participate in creating a different life, one that is not based on the logic of capitalism, one that subverts and transforms inequalities and oppression, striving for social justice and dignity for all humans, and our ability to realize the free conscious life activity that lies at the heart of our species-being.
换句话说,资本主义是考古学结构和实践的内在产物。作为内部相关辩证整体的一部分,考古学是资本主义,因此在我们的学科边界内工作意味着我们的工作只能延续和复制这些结构。这就是为什么我发现,随着退化运动,考古学是否可行的问题有点大。如果新自由主义(增长、资本主义等)不复存在,考古学也不复存在。这让我想到了我的最后一点:我认为佐津错过了一个真正思考在一个没有资本主义的世界里考古可能是什么样子的机会(毕竟,这就是衰退)。由于考古学的每一个方面都与资本主义结构有关,考古学(希望)不会以我们可能认可的任何形式存在——学院、CRM、非政府组织、社区组织等。我不认为这里提出的许多想法是成功或令人满意的,主要是因为框架是基于具体化的外部相关实体,如新自由主义和考古学,它们冻结了复杂的动态和社会关系。我发现,与其思考一个源于简单的非此即彼的框架的过去或未来的“黄金时代”,不如思考既限制又促成行动的辩证关系的复杂性。考古学是资本主义,但也一直反对资本主义。考古学一直为民族国家服务,同时也阻碍了民族国家的发展。与其从时间阶段的角度来看待解决方案,不如拥抱内在的辩证联系,让我们看到两者同时存在。对我来说,问题不仅仅是“增长”,而是如何思考后考古时代的替代方案,在那里我们可以参与创造一种不同的生活,一种不基于资本主义逻辑的生活,颠覆和改变不平等和压迫,为全人类争取社会正义和尊严,以及我们实现自由意识生命活动的能力,这是我们物种存在的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Food systems in archaeology. Examining production and consumption in the past 考古学中的食物系统。考察过去的生产和消费
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203821000088
Kelly Reed
Abstract Research on food has a long history in archaeology and anthropology, with many agreeing that we need to examine the food of complex societies in a more holistic way, through the various stages from production to disposal. Typically, this has occurred through the application of the concept of foodways, although this has a range of definitions and is generally only used in historical archaeological and anthropological research. By building on this important area of research this paper will explore the usefulness of applying a food-systems framework to understanding food in the past. Systems research is already well established in archaeology, sharing elements with approaches such as social-network analysis and complexity science. These theories have been used to address a broad array of questions about the relationships between actors, activities and outcomes for individuals and larger groups at a range of social scales. Thus food systems can help us to explore greater connections between food, human society and the environment via a combination of different archaeological evidence and comparative data.
摘要对食物的研究在考古学和人类学中有着悠久的历史,许多人一致认为,我们需要从生产到处理的各个阶段,以更全面的方式来研究复杂社会的食物。通常,这是通过食道概念的应用而发生的,尽管这有一系列的定义,通常只用于历史考古和人类学研究。通过建立在这一重要研究领域的基础上,本文将探索应用食品系统框架来理解过去食品的有用性。系统研究在考古学中已经建立起来,与社会网络分析和复杂性科学等方法共享元素。这些理论已被用于解决一系列广泛的问题,即在一系列社会尺度上,个人和更大群体的行动者、活动和结果之间的关系。因此,食物系统可以通过结合不同的考古证据和比较数据,帮助我们探索食物、人类社会和环境之间的更大联系。
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引用次数: 3
Degrowth and archaeological learning beyond the neo-liberal university 新自由主义大学之外的去生长和考古学习
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203821000039
G. Moshenska
Academia has been described as a cake-eating contest where the prize is more cake. This is generally taken as a comment on workloads, but the competitive brutality of the academic job market suggests a coda: the winner chokes on cake, but the losers starve. The neo-liberal university – I write from the British version – reproduces itself and grows through the overproduction of PhDs with minimal academic career prospects, ensuring feverish competition for grants and jobs, and promoting precarity, fear and conformity (Flexner 2020, 159). Meanwhile, as government subsidies for degree programmes evaporate, those same neo-liberal universities need to increase enrolments to grow, to compete and to survive. In archaeology, the resulting overproduction of bachelor’s degrees contributes to the oversupply of labour and the suppression of wages in professional archaeology. If there are no jobs, why not take out another loan and go back to university for a master’s degree? And if, on the other hand, student recruitment falls, the same merciless meatgrinder logic demands redundancies and programme closures. Those of us privileged enough to be employed in academic archaeology might prefer to focus on the benefits and pleasures of studying archaeology, rather than the more mercenary considerations of student loan debt versus graduate incomes. It pleases us to think of ourselves as educators or public servants, rather than as the purveyors of luxury goods to an increasingly elite clientele, with a faint sleazy whiff of the pyramid scheme about the whole enterprise. The degrowth movement in archaeology that Nicolas Zorzin has outlined (and see also Flexner 2020) is a fascinating exercise in imaginative thinking. Part of the totalizing cultural power of neoliberal capitalism is the difficulty of thinking outside or beyond its bounds. Degrowth is a powerful challenge to these logics, offering snapshot views of alternative worlds. On this basis it is interesting to consider what archaeological education, and higher education in particular, might look like in a degrowth economy. The first model we might consider is the more modest one: Zorzin’s proposal for professional archaeology transformed by the introduction of a basic minimum income (BMI), also known as universal basic income (UBI) (see, for example, Haagh 2019). The core principle of UBI is that
学术界被形容为一场吃蛋糕的比赛,奖品是更多的蛋糕。这通常被认为是对工作量的评论,但学术就业市场竞争的残酷暗示了一个结局:胜利者被蛋糕噎住,而失败者则挨饿。新自由主义大学——我是根据英国的版本来写的——通过培养学术生涯前景渺茫的博士来自我复制和发展,确保了对助学金和工作的激烈竞争,并促进了不稳定、恐惧和顺从(Flexner 2020, 159)。与此同时,随着政府对学位课程的补贴逐渐消失,这些新自由主义大学需要增加招生人数,以实现增长、竞争和生存。在考古学中,由此产生的学士学位过剩导致了劳动力供过于求和专业考古学工资的抑制。如果找不到工作,为什么不再申请一笔贷款,回到大学攻读硕士学位呢?另一方面,如果招生人数下降,同样无情的绞肉机逻辑也会要求裁员和关闭课程。我们这些有幸从事学术考古工作的人可能更愿意关注研究考古的好处和乐趣,而不是学生贷款债务和毕业生收入之间的比较唯利是图的考虑。我们乐于把自己看作是教育者或公务员,而不是向越来越多的精英客户提供奢侈品的供应商,整个企业都带有一股金字塔式的肮脏气息。尼古拉斯·佐津(Nicolas Zorzin)概述的考古学中的去生长运动(参见Flexner 2020)是想象性思维的迷人练习。新自由主义资本主义的整体文化力量的一部分是难以在其范围之外或之外思考。Degrowth是对这些逻辑的有力挑战,它提供了另一个世界的快照视图。在此基础上,考虑在一个去增长的经济中,考古教育,特别是高等教育可能是什么样子是很有趣的。我们可以考虑的第一个模型是比较温和的:Zorzin关于专业考古学的提议被基本最低收入(BMI)的引入所改变,也被称为普遍基本收入(UBI)(例如,参见Haagh 2019)。全民基本收入的核心原则是
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引用次数: 0
Degrowth in development-led archaeology and opportunities for change. A comment on Zorzin 发展的衰退引领了考古学和变革的机遇。佐尔津评论
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203821000040
Sadie Watson
Zorzin’s paper offers compelling discussion surrounding the various issues that face the practice of archaeology today. I would like to take some aspects of his paper and dive deeper into the implications for myself and my colleagues working within development-led archaeology in the UK and elsewhere. My own career has not been framed within a theoretical or academic sphere so my opinions about this topic will be accordingly pragmatic – although like many, I alternate between desiring a complete destruction of the existing structures within which I have been forced to operate and taking a more measured consideration of how to approach the revolutionizing of those current structures, which (currently anyway) seem intractable. My knowledge of degrowth as a concept has been expanded by Zorzin’s paper, which provides a coherent and relevant introduction to the subject. Ironically, as a post-doctoral researcher without a university account, I am not able to refer to the list of references in Flexner or Zorzin’s papers, so foundmyself on the back foot slightly, although entering fully into the competitive and expensive world of academic publishing is not an attractive proposition inmany ways, and like others I would prefer open access of everything, for everybody. First, I have to confess to some personal disquiet about the concept of degrowth when my own livelihood and capacity to care for my family (rent, food, school uniforms) have depended entirely on a salary from development-led archaeology and I am therefore an established participant in the neo-liberalism Zorzin describes. I was also a senior member of the field team described in Zorzin (2016b), although I did not work on the specific project he discusses in that paper. I have some issues with Zorzin’s (2016b) approach to participant observation, which was undertaken without informing some of the participants, and also with the publication of clearly identifiable photographs of the site team and project. The concluding remarks about sabotaging the project are unnecessarily provocative, in my opinion; this would merely increase pressure on the supervisory staff, which is hardly in the spirit of solidarity. I agree with most of the rest of the content, (particularly the idea that we have been instrumentalized by developers), bar the idea that early professional archaeology was somehow a ‘better environment’, given that it developed within a conservative class-based patriarchy. I should also confront the reality that, despite my efforts at activism (union activity, lobbying our professional body and other organizations), there have been few significant improvements in the living and working conditions of archaeologists over recent years and the profession of archaeology remains exclusionary and predominantly open only to those who have come from a white, abled, economically secure background. Here my own position as one of those woolly liberals who is wholly embedded in capitalist structures is cle
佐尔津的论文围绕当今考古学实践中面临的各种问题进行了令人信服的讨论。我想从他的论文的某些方面深入探讨这对我自己和我在英国和其他地方从事发展主导考古工作的同事的影响。我自己的职业生涯并不是在理论或学术领域内构建的,因此我对这个话题的看法将相应地务实——尽管和许多人一样,我在渴望彻底摧毁我被迫运作的现有结构和更慎重地考虑如何对这些现有结构进行革命性改革之间摇摆不定,这(目前看来)似乎很棘手。Zorzin的论文扩展了我对退化这一概念的认识,对这一主题进行了连贯和相关的介绍。具有讽刺意味的是,作为一名没有大学账户的博士后研究员,我无法参考Flexner或Zorzin论文中的参考文献列表,因此我发现自己有点落后,尽管完全进入竞争激烈且昂贵的学术出版世界在很多方面都不是一个有吸引力的提议,而且和其他人一样,我更喜欢开放获取一切,为每个人。首先,我必须承认,当我自己的生计和照顾家人的能力(房租、食物、校服)完全依赖于发展主导的考古学的薪水时,我个人对衰退的概念感到不安,因此我是佐津所描述的新自由主义的坚定参与者。我也是Zorzin(2016b)中描述的现场团队的高级成员,尽管我没有参与他在该论文中讨论的具体项目。我对Zorzin(2016b)的参与者观察方法有一些问题,该方法是在没有通知一些参与者的情况下进行的,也对现场团队和项目的清晰可识别照片的发布有一些问题。在我看来,关于破坏该项目的结论性言论是不必要的挑衅;这只会增加监管人员的压力,这很难符合团结一致的精神。我同意其余大部分内容(尤其是我们被开发人员工具化的想法),除了早期专业考古在某种程度上是一个“更好的环境”的想法之外,因为它是在保守的基于阶级的父权制中发展起来的。我还应该面对这样一个现实,即尽管我努力开展活动(工会活动、游说我们的专业机构和其他组织),但近年来考古学家的生活和工作条件几乎没有显著改善,考古行业仍然是排斥性的,主要只对那些来自白人、有能力、,经济安全背景。在这里,我作为一个完全嵌入资本主义结构的模糊自由主义者的立场是明确的;早在20世纪90年代中期,当我致力于道路规划而不是抗议时,我就不情愿地把自己的立场钉在了桅杆上。1从那以后,我一直在建筑行业的规则和时间框架内从事考古学家的工作,并完全接受佐津的批评,即我对这些结构的坚持意味着我接受了这样一种想法,即在这些结构中工作是我唯一的选择选项有了这些不同的警告,我当然不同意Flexner关于资本主义有问题的说法(Flexner 2020159),但我对
{"title":"Degrowth in development-led archaeology and opportunities for change. A comment on Zorzin","authors":"Sadie Watson","doi":"10.1017/S1380203821000040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1380203821000040","url":null,"abstract":"Zorzin’s paper offers compelling discussion surrounding the various issues that face the practice of archaeology today. I would like to take some aspects of his paper and dive deeper into the implications for myself and my colleagues working within development-led archaeology in the UK and elsewhere. My own career has not been framed within a theoretical or academic sphere so my opinions about this topic will be accordingly pragmatic – although like many, I alternate between desiring a complete destruction of the existing structures within which I have been forced to operate and taking a more measured consideration of how to approach the revolutionizing of those current structures, which (currently anyway) seem intractable. My knowledge of degrowth as a concept has been expanded by Zorzin’s paper, which provides a coherent and relevant introduction to the subject. Ironically, as a post-doctoral researcher without a university account, I am not able to refer to the list of references in Flexner or Zorzin’s papers, so foundmyself on the back foot slightly, although entering fully into the competitive and expensive world of academic publishing is not an attractive proposition inmany ways, and like others I would prefer open access of everything, for everybody. First, I have to confess to some personal disquiet about the concept of degrowth when my own livelihood and capacity to care for my family (rent, food, school uniforms) have depended entirely on a salary from development-led archaeology and I am therefore an established participant in the neo-liberalism Zorzin describes. I was also a senior member of the field team described in Zorzin (2016b), although I did not work on the specific project he discusses in that paper. I have some issues with Zorzin’s (2016b) approach to participant observation, which was undertaken without informing some of the participants, and also with the publication of clearly identifiable photographs of the site team and project. The concluding remarks about sabotaging the project are unnecessarily provocative, in my opinion; this would merely increase pressure on the supervisory staff, which is hardly in the spirit of solidarity. I agree with most of the rest of the content, (particularly the idea that we have been instrumentalized by developers), bar the idea that early professional archaeology was somehow a ‘better environment’, given that it developed within a conservative class-based patriarchy. I should also confront the reality that, despite my efforts at activism (union activity, lobbying our professional body and other organizations), there have been few significant improvements in the living and working conditions of archaeologists over recent years and the profession of archaeology remains exclusionary and predominantly open only to those who have come from a white, abled, economically secure background. Here my own position as one of those woolly liberals who is wholly embedded in capitalist structures is cle","PeriodicalId":45009,"journal":{"name":"Archaeological Dialogues","volume":"28 1","pages":"22 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1380203821000040","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42519203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Archaeology, anarchism, decolonization, and degrowth through the lens of Frase’s four futures 考古学、无政府主义、非殖民化和去增长,透过弗雷斯的四个未来的镜头
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203821000027
James Flexner
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank all the scholars who agreed to participate in this contribution by further opening the debate about the degrowth movement, and helped me to clarify further my own arguments through their pertinent comments and positively challenging questions; the Fondation maison des sciences de l’homme (FMSH) for its financial support through the Fernand Braudel–IFER Post-doctoral Fellowship COFUND, and the UMR 8215 trajectoires and its members, which helped in conducting fieldwork in France and the United Kingdom, and contributed greatly to the current reflection; and the patient and kind proofreaders Dr Lucy Watson and Dr Sophie Violet Moore.
鸣谢。我要感谢所有同意参与这一贡献的学者,他们进一步开启了关于退化运动的辩论,并通过他们的中肯评论和积极挑战性的问题帮助我进一步澄清了自己的论点;人类科学基金会(FMSH)通过Fernand Braudel–IFER博士后研究金基金会和UMR 8215 trajectoires及其成员提供财政支持,帮助在法国和英国进行实地调查,并为当前的反思做出了巨大贡献;还有耐心善良的校对员Lucy Watson博士和Sophie Violet Moore博士。
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引用次数: 2
ARD volume 28 issue 1 Cover and Back matter ARD第28卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203821000131
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledged authenticity. Or did the origin of rock matter in the Mesolithic? 公认的真实性。或者岩石物质的起源是在中石器时代吗?
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S138020382100009X
Astrid J. Nyland
Abstract This article explores the concept of authenticity of rock, place and stone tools in the Mesolithic. It uses results from a recent pXRF analysis on a selection of greenstone adzes predominantly originating from a delimited area on the western coast of south Norway as its point of departure. The results show that, although the majority of the 80 analysed adzes were made of greenstone from one specific source, eight clearly stemmed from local outcrops away from this one source area. The quantitative geochemical data are not presented in detail. Instead, the focus is on the social significance of these stone objects and their sources as indicated by the results. I argue that the anomalies demonstrate an acknowledged social value placed on stone from a dedicated source area; they represent deliberate attempts to manipulate perception and thus replicate a specific social affinity. Emphasizing perception and appearance, I consider adzes of green stone as assemblages of knowledge, skill, place and social memory – as desirable objects that enhanced a feeling of belonging and social identity – and I question whether this means that people in the Mesolithic recognized and acknowledged something as authentic.
摘要本文探讨了中石器时代岩石、场所和石器的真实性概念。它使用了最近pXRF对主要来自挪威南部西海岸一个划定区域的一系列绿岩adze的分析结果作为出发点。结果表明,尽管所分析的80块adze中的大多数是由一个特定来源的绿岩制成的,但有8块显然来自该来源区域以外的局部露头。定量地球化学数据没有详细介绍。相反,研究结果表明,重点是这些石器的社会意义及其来源。我认为,这些反常现象表明,来自专门来源地区的石头具有公认的社会价值;它们代表着有意操纵感知,从而复制特定的社会亲和力。强调感知和外观,我认为绿色石头是知识、技能、地点和社会记忆的组合,是增强归属感和社会认同感的理想物品,我质疑这是否意味着中石器时代的人们承认和承认了一些真实的东西。
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引用次数: 1
ARD volume 27 issue 2 Cover and Back matter ARD第27卷第2期封面和封底
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1380203820000288
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引用次数: 0
Hijacking ISIS. Digital imperialism and salvage politics 劫持伊斯兰国。数字帝国主义与挽救政治
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1380203820000252
L. Meskell
reproduction – even reproductions have a maker (Thompson 2018) – are also crucial details in discussions of technological (de)colonization. Stobiecka’s examination could benefit from a closer look at agency that comes from a deeper involvement with the artefact’s itineraries. A focus on itineraries considers that objects have ‘no real beginning other than where we enter them and no end since things and their extensions continue to move’ (Joyce and Gillespie 2015, 3). There is no doubt that the trajectory and influence of Palmyra extend historically far beyond the borders of Syria, but the carefully crafted circulation of a replica that claims to represent Syrian interests today must confront specific concerns with the ethics of representation in contemporary heritage studies. First, the destruction narrative that is represented in the reproduction of the arch is not representative of the widespread destruction of diverse cultural sites that took place across Syria during this rampage (Mulder 2016). Likewise, the representational form of the arch cites a very selective period for this monument, which includes being used as a mosque and a church at different moments in its life history (Mulder 2020). Second, the visible rejection of Syrian refugees across many European countries, contemporary with the free circulation and consumption of the replica, undermines efforts to construct a global discourse that addresses the human scale of the Syrian conflict (Cunliffe 2016; Thompson 2017). Third, the apparent applause that this replica has received across the world evokes the strong rejection of the reproduction of the Ishtar Gate in Babylon, Iraq, which was disassembled through excavation to be reassembled in Berlin in the 1930s. A scaled replica, built in Babylon by Saddam Hussein’s regime in the 1980s, has been used as a textbook example of heritage inauthenticity and politically motivated deceit. Destruction, and its presumed resolution through digital reproduction, continue to be politically motivated. Stobiecka’s article offers important debates that invite us to revisit what it means to ‘save heritage’ in the 21st century. Her discussions also act as a reminder that heritage debates that fall under a ‘heritage-at-risk’ rhetoric enable less critical examinations of the means and purposes of representation (Rico 2015). Therefore calling for decolonizing practices in heritage preservation must revolve around an exploration of the channels of authority and expertise that give shape to specific safeguarding narratives, rather than focus on repackaging preservation strategies under new codifications and techniques that result in the same colonizing process of heritagization nonetheless.
复制——即使复制品也有制造商(Thompson 2018)——也是技术(去)殖民化讨论中的关键细节。Stobiecka的检查可能会受益于对该机构的更深入了解,这得益于对文物行程的更深入参与。对行程的关注认为,物体“除了我们进入它们的地方之外,没有真正的开始,也没有结束,因为事物及其延伸继续移动”(Joyce和Gillespie,2015,3)。毫无疑问,帕尔米拉的轨迹和影响在历史上远远超出了叙利亚的边界,但精心制作的复制品的流通,声称今天代表了叙利亚的利益,必须面对当代遗产研究中代表伦理的具体问题。首先,拱门复制中所代表的破坏叙事并不能代表在这场暴行中叙利亚各地对不同文化遗址的广泛破坏(Mulder,2016)。同样,拱门的代表形式引用了这座纪念碑的一个非常有选择性的时期,包括在其生命历史的不同时刻被用作清真寺和教堂(Mulder 2020)。其次,在复制品自由流通和消费的同时,许多欧洲国家对叙利亚难民的明显拒绝,破坏了构建一个解决叙利亚冲突人类规模的全球话语的努力(Cunlife 2016;汤普森2017)。第三,这个复制品在世界各地受到的明显掌声让人强烈反对伊拉克巴比伦伊什塔尔门的复制品,该门于20世纪30年代通过挖掘被拆除,然后在柏林重新组装。萨达姆·侯赛因政权于20世纪80年代在巴比伦建造的一个按比例复制品,被用作遗产不真实和出于政治动机的欺骗的教科书。销毁及其通过数字复制的假定解决办法仍然是出于政治动机。Stobiecka的文章提出了重要的辩论,邀请我们重新审视21世纪“拯救遗产”意味着什么。她的讨论也提醒我们,属于“面临风险的遗产”言论的遗产辩论能够对代表的手段和目的进行不那么挑剔的审查(Rico 2015)。因此,呼吁遗产保护中的非殖民化实践必须围绕着探索权威和专业知识的渠道,以形成具体的保护叙事,而不是专注于根据新的法典和技术重新包装保护策略,从而导致同样的殖民化继承过程。
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引用次数: 1
List of contributors 贡献者名单
IF 1.8 1区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1380203820000227
M. Bell, D. Gronenborn
Martin Bell is Professor of Archaeological Science and current Head of the Archaeology Department at the University of Reading, UK. He is a Fellow of the British Academy and the Society of Antiquaries of London. He teaches geoarchaeology and coastal and maritime archaeology and has particular interests in experimental archaeology and the relationship between archaeology and nature conservation and sustainability. Over the last 20 years he has excavated many intertidal prehistoric sites in the Severn Estuary in south Wales. He is author of Late Quaternary environmental change (2005, with M.J.C. Walker), Prehistoric coastal communities. The Mesolithic in western Britain (2007), Prehistoric intertidal archaeology (2000, with A. Caseldine and H. Neumann), The Experimental Earthwork Project (1996, with P. Fowler and S. Hillson), Past and present soil erosion (1992, with J. Boardman) and four earlier archaeological monographs.
马丁·贝尔,英国雷丁大学考古学教授,现任考古学系主任。他是英国科学院和伦敦古文物协会的会员。他教授地质考古学、海岸和海洋考古学,并对实验考古学以及考古学与自然保护和可持续发展之间的关系特别感兴趣。在过去的20年里,他在南威尔士的塞文河口挖掘了许多潮间带史前遗址。他是《晚第四纪环境变化》(2005年,与M.J.C. Walker合著)、《史前海岸群落》一书的作者。《英国西部的中石器时代》(2007年)、《史前潮间带考古学》(2000年,与A. Caseldine和H. Neumann合作)、《实验土方工程》(1996年,与P. Fowler和S. Hillson合作)、《过去和现在的土壤侵蚀》(1992年,与J. Boardman合作)和四本早期的考古专著。
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引用次数: 0
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Archaeological Dialogues
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