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Compliance in “exceptional” trade disputes: a set-theoretical approach “例外”贸易争端中的合规:一种集合理论方法
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000103
Rodrigo Fagundes Cezar
This article uses the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) method to examine the combinations of conditions that explain the length of World Trade Organization (WTO) disputes that invoke General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs’ (GATT) General Exceptions (Article XX). Using the Brazil-EC controversy over retreaded tires as an example, the work underscores the importance of the mobilization of civil society organizations such as NGOs and think tanks in association with power asymmetry and/or veto players. The article contributes to understanding the causal complexity and empirical heterogeneity of “exceptional” disputes (disputes in which a party invokes GATT’s General Exceptions).
本文使用定性比较分析(QCA)方法来检查解释援引贸易与关税总协定(GATT)一般例外(第20条)的世界贸易组织(WTO)争端长度的条件组合。以巴西-欧共体关于翻新轮胎的争议为例,这项工作强调了动员非政府组织和智库等民间社会组织与权力不对称和/或否决权参与者联系在一起的重要性。本文有助于理解“例外”争端(当事一方援引关贸总协定一般例外的争端)的因果复杂性和经验异质性。
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引用次数: 4
South-South relations and global environmental governance: Brazilian international development cooperation 南南关系与全球环境治理:巴西国际发展合作
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-29 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900204
K. Hochstetler, C. Inoue
South-South relations have become increasingly relevant for understanding global environmental governance in the 21st century. This article explores the socio-environmental contributions and impacts of Brazilian South-South cooperation for international development. Case studies of its international technical cooperation and the international project finance of BNDES show a mixed picture, with environmental benefits countered by environmental harms.
南南关系对于理解21世纪的全球环境治理越来越重要。本文探讨了巴西南南合作对国际发展的社会环境贡献和影响。对其国际技术合作和BNDES国际项目融资的案例研究表明,情况喜忧参半,环境效益与环境危害相抵消。
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引用次数: 12
Seeking strategic narrative alignment: the case of BRICS and Brazil on the issue of infrastructural development 寻求战略叙事的一致性:金砖国家和巴西在基础设施发展问题上的案例
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-18 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900110
Carolijn van Noort
This article explores the challenges of multilateral forums to form coherent ‘strategic narratives’ that align positively with foreign policy narratives of member states in a multi-stakeholder society. Specifically, it focuses on whether and how BRICS’s communication on the issue of infrastructural development is strategically aligned with Brazil’s foreign policy narrative towards Africa. The case study involves interview data from 2016 with non-state actors in Brazil. This empirical case highlights how narrative misalignment on the national and multilateral level results from a high degree of ambiguity in the narratives, their problematic relation to actual events, and faulty practices of ‘inclusive’ participation.
本文探讨了多边论坛在形成与多利益攸关方社会中成员国外交政策叙事积极一致的连贯“战略叙事”方面面临的挑战。具体而言,它关注的是金砖国家在基础设施发展问题上的沟通是否以及如何与巴西对非洲的外交政策叙事在战略上保持一致。该案例研究涉及2016年巴西非国家行为者的访谈数据。这一实证案例突显了国家和多边层面的叙事错位是如何导致叙事高度模糊、叙事与实际事件的关系存在问题以及“包容性”参与的错误做法的。
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引用次数: 3
Japan: A Nuclear State? 日本:核国家?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900107
Henrique Altemani de Oliveira
Abstract Japan is often seen as pacifist and as a defender of nuclear disarmament. This article, though, sustains that Japan is basing its security on extended nuclear deterrence, and on the possibility of acquiring nuclear weapons. In the first part of the article, the role of extended deterrence in the relationship with the U.S. is analyzed, and in the second, the history of the Japanese nuclear option since the end of the Second World War is reassessed.
摘要日本经常被视为和平主义者和核裁军的捍卫者。然而,这篇文章坚持认为,日本的安全是基于扩大核威慑和获得核武器的可能性。文章的第一部分分析了延伸威慑在中美关系中的作用,第二部分重新评估了自第二次世界大战结束以来日本核选择的历史。
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引用次数: 1
Free trade agreements and regional alliances: support from Latin American legislators 自由贸易协定和区域联盟:拉丁美洲立法者的支持
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900101
Asbel Bohigues, J. Rivas
The creation of international organizations and the signature of free trade agreements have become common in Latin America. However, few studies have tackled the attitudes of political elites. This work aims to analyze the determinants of support by Latin American legislators for free trade agreements with the US and the EU, and for the Pacific Alliance and ALBA. Results show that ideology, pro-state/market positions, and trustworthiness vis-à-vis Chinese and Russian governments are the main predictors. This paper aims to analyze the causes of support in Latin American parliaments for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with the US and the EU, as well as for two regional alliances, the Pacific Alliance and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA). To achieve this, we employ the Latin American Elites Database from the University of Salamanca (PELA-USAL), which gathers interviews with Latin American legislators on issues such as democracy, economy, political careers and, in recent years, international relations. This article extends to all Latin American countries where questions on the aforementioned FPIs have been made available: Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Mexico, Panama, Uruguay, and Venezuela. This research can be seen as appropriate due to its special focus: legislators are themselves the who eventually must approve these FPIs in their respective legislative chambers. Understanding what legislators think and what drives their support can clearly help to identify the causes of success or failure of and regional alliances in Latin America, specifically at the elite legislative level.
建立国际组织和签署自由贸易协定在拉丁美洲已经很普遍。然而,很少有研究涉及政治精英的态度。这项工作旨在分析拉丁美洲立法者支持与美国和欧盟的自由贸易协定,以及太平洋联盟和ALBA的决定因素。结果表明,意识形态、亲国家/市场立场和对-à-vis中国和俄罗斯政府的可信度是主要的预测因素。本文旨在分析拉丁美洲议会支持与美国和欧盟的自由贸易协定(fta)以及两个区域联盟——太平洋联盟和我们美国人民玻利瓦尔联盟(ALBA)的原因。为此,我们采用了萨拉曼卡大学(PELA-USAL)的拉丁美洲精英数据库,该数据库收集了对拉丁美洲立法者的采访,内容涉及民主、经济、政治生涯以及近年来的国际关系等问题。本文扩展到所有提供上述fpi问题的拉丁美洲国家:玻利维亚、智利、哥伦比亚、哥斯达黎加、多米尼加共和国、危地马拉、洪都拉斯、萨尔瓦多、墨西哥、巴拿马、乌拉圭和委内瑞拉。这项研究可以被认为是适当的,因为它特别关注:立法者本身最终必须在各自的立法院批准这些fpi。了解立法者的想法和他们支持的原因可以清楚地帮助确定拉丁美洲地区联盟成功或失败的原因,特别是在精英立法层面。
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引用次数: 9
Health as niche diplomacy: assessing design and practices of Brazilian health diplomacy at the beginning of the 21st century 卫生作为利基外交:评估21世纪初巴西卫生外交的设计和实践
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900112
N. Gayard
The paper explores Brazilian health diplomacy since 2000 by identifying aspects of design and practice employed by the actors involved. The Brazilian engagement is analyzed through the concept of niche diplomacy, with a focus on the use of technical capacities and on the venues through which the country aimed at exerting influence in global health by resorting to its
本文通过确定相关行为体采用的设计和实践方面,探讨了2000年以来巴西的卫生外交。通过利基外交的概念来分析巴西的参与,重点是利用技术能力和该国旨在通过诉诸其能力在全球卫生方面施加影响的场所
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引用次数: 8
Does the appointment of secretariesgeneral to lead global bureaucracies correlate with international power sharing? A longitudinal assessment based on empirical evidence from 1945 to 2016 任命领导全球官僚机构的秘书长是否与国际权力分享有关?基于1945 - 2016年经验证据的纵向评估
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900113
Mario Schettino Valente, Dawisson Belém Lopes, João Paulo Oliveira
This paper focuses on secretaries-general, given their relative centrality in international politics, as they embody the power to explore institutional and personal agendas, and enjoy the chance to seek prestige for a country or region. Through descriptive statistics, this article analyzes the distribution of secretaries-general per country, reaching some noteworthy findings, especially regarding sharp changes in recent years.
鉴于秘书长在国际政治中的相对中心地位,本文主要关注他们,因为他们体现了探索机构和个人议程的权力,并有机会为一个国家或地区寻求声望。本文通过描述性统计分析了各国秘书长的分布情况,得出了一些值得注意的发现,特别是近年来的急剧变化。
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引用次数: 0
The role of Brazil in the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT) 巴西在国际大西洋金枪鱼养护委员会(ICCAT)中的作用
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900201
L. Gonçalves
Although Brazil has been an active voice in ICCAT in the past ten years, its leadership has been declining. This paper examines what might explain the variation of international influence Brazil has had in addressing the issues at ICCAT and argues that if Brazil wants to preserve its leadership, it must demonstrate commitment to its own waters while strengthening governmental institutions.
尽管巴西在过去十年中一直在ICCAT中发出积极的声音,但其领导地位一直在下降。本文探讨了巴西在解决ICCAT问题时国际影响力的变化,并认为如果巴西想保持其领导地位,它必须在加强政府机构的同时表现出对自己水域的承诺。
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引用次数: 4
Global climate adaptation governance in the Amazon through a polycentricity lens 多中心视角下的亚马逊全球气候适应治理
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900207
F. Wit, P. Freitas
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引用次数: 4
The changing face of environmental governance in the Brazilian Amazon: indigenous and traditional peoples promoting norm diffusion 巴西亚马逊地区环境治理的变化面貌:土著和传统人民促进规范扩散
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329201900208
V. M. Chase
Transnational networks of non-state actors are using ILO Convention No. 169 as a powerful instrument of environmental governance. The treaty promotes the norm of Free, Prior and Informed Consultation (FPIC), empowering local communities to influence infrastructure projects that impact their livelihoods and natural resources. However, there is a disconnect between the Brazilian government’s discourse and the effective implementation of this norm. Using document analysis and process tracing, this article investigates this rhetoric-practice gap. It argues that these transnational networks are diffusing the FPIC norm through Consultation Protocols, slowly bridging the gap.
非国家行为者的跨国网络正在利用劳工组织第169号公约作为环境治理的有力工具。该条约促进了自由、事先和知情协商(FPIC)的规范,赋予地方社区对影响其生计和自然资源的基础设施项目施加影响的权力。然而,巴西政府的话语与这一规范的有效实施之间存在脱节。本文运用文献分析和过程追溯的方法,对这种修辞与实践的差距进行了研究。它认为,这些跨国网络正在通过协商协议传播FPIC规范,慢慢弥合差距。
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引用次数: 5
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Revista Brasileira De Politica Internacional
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