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The changing nature and architecture of U.S. democracy assistance 美国民主援助的性质和结构的变化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000110
Luiza Rodrigues Mateo
Democracy assistance is an important tool of United States foreign policy, serving strategic interests in association with several agendas, from human rights to national security. The objective of this article is to make a historical reconstruction of the definitions and practices of American democracy assistance, describing its institutional architecture, budgetary levels and political priorities. Special attention is given to U.S. foreign aid rationale and contemporary trends, recapturing the last thirty years of growth in democracy assistance since the end of the Cold War.
民主援助是美国外交政策的一个重要工具,与从人权到国家安全的若干议程相结合,为战略利益服务。本文的目的是对美国民主援助的定义和实践进行历史重建,描述其制度结构、预算水平和政治优先事项。本书特别关注美国对外援助的基本原理和当代趋势,回顾了自冷战结束以来近三十年来民主援助的增长。
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引用次数: 3
Limits and paradox of TeleSUR: the media as a political agent of regional (dis)integration TeleSUR的局限与悖论:媒介作为区域(非)整合的政治代理人
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000102
M. Lessa, Pablo Victor Fontes
In this article, we analyze the limits and paradox of TeleSUR’s role in the process of regional (dis)integration and identity construction during the Chávez era. Our question is: how did TeleSUR promote regional, cultural and media integration? To demonstrate the influence of public and media diplomacy, this article was built upon studies on regionalism, media and culture, as well as the content analysis of speeches.
本文分析了Chávez时代TeleSUR在区域(非)整合和身份建构过程中所扮演角色的局限和悖论。我们的问题是:TeleSUR如何促进区域、文化和媒体的融合?为了展示公共外交和媒介外交的影响,本文从地域主义、媒介和文化的研究以及演讲内容的分析出发。
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引用次数: 2
Regulated Improvisations: bringing the private sector back into the International Development Cooperation field 规范的即兴表演:将私营部门带回国际发展合作领域
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000212
Paulo Esteves, Frederico Lamego de Teixeira Soares
This article questions why and how the private sector was articulated as a legitimate agent in a field almost entirely dominated, until the 2000s, by DAC donors. We argue that private agents were admitted in the field across the fractures produced by SSCP and throughout a series of normative and managerial adjustments, which we called here regulated improvisations. in of diversification of and products. investments in developing countries – and in the developed are as business opportunities, despite the risks involved. On the other hand, companies provide jobs, infrastructure, innovation and social service, among others (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2016).
本文质疑私营部门为何以及如何在一个几乎完全由发展援助委员会捐助者主导的领域中成为合法代理人。我们认为,在SSCP造成的骨折中,以及在一系列规范和管理调整中,私人代理人被允许进入该领域,我们在这里称之为规范的即兴创作。在产品多样化的过程中。在发展中国家和发达国家的投资被视为商业机会,尽管存在风险。另一方面,企业提供就业、基础设施、创新和社会服务等(经济合作与发展组织2016年)。
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引用次数: 0
Patterns of Official Development Assistance in Tajikistan: effects on growth and poverty reduction 塔吉克斯坦官方发展援助模式:对增长和减贫的影响
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000206
Mubinzhon Abduvaliev, R. Bustillo
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引用次数: 6
International Organizations diffusion in South-South Cooperation dynamics. Notes on the Uruguayan case in the 21st Century 南南合作动态中的国际组织扩散。21世纪乌拉圭案例述评
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000205
Carla Morasso, Lorena Lamas
The scenario of International Development Cooperation has been transformed in the new century by the increase of South-South Cooperation (SSC). In response, the North has deployed its influence through International Organizations (IO) to moderate and model the agendas and institutions of the South. Uruguay is a good example of how IOs’ interests and methodologies have influenced cooperation strategies and institutionalization processes in developing countries through diffusion mechanisms.
在新世纪,南南合作的兴起改变了国际发展合作的格局。作为回应,朝鲜通过国际组织(IO)发挥其影响力,以缓和和示范南方的议程和机构。乌拉圭是一个很好的例子,说明国际组织的利益和方法如何通过扩散机制影响发展中国家的合作战略和制度化进程。
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引用次数: 1
From the quest for autonomy to the dual break: structural and agential changes in Brazil’s foreign policy during the 21st century 从追求自治到双重决裂:21世纪巴西外交政策的结构性和制度性变化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000111
Sergio Caballero, Diego Sebastián Crescentino
Informed by an understanding that the quest for autonomy can serve as a compass of Brazil’s foreign policy, this paper undertakes an extensive interpretative analysis of the concept in relation to the agency/structure debate. Our aim is to use these theoretical tools to analyse Brazil’s international action during the 21st century, paying special attention to Bolsonaro’s administration. This article argues that we are witnessing a dual break in autonomy: an essentially structural break related to the underlying trends currently redesigning the international world as we know it, and another more agential break, resulting from president Bolsonaro’s particular worldview.
根据对自治的追求可以作为巴西外交政策指南针的理解,本文对与机构/结构辩论有关的概念进行了广泛的解释性分析。我们的目标是利用这些理论工具来分析巴西在21世纪的国际行动,特别关注博索纳罗政府。本文认为,我们正在目睹自治的双重破裂:一种本质上是结构性的破裂,与目前正在重新设计我们所知的国际世界的潜在趋势有关;另一种更具代理性的破裂,是由博尔索纳罗总统的特定世界观造成的。
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引用次数: 10
The OECD enlargement in Latin America and the Brazilian candidacy 经合组织在拉丁美洲的扩大和巴西的候选资格
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000211
F. Mello
This article examines the OECD’s enlargement process as an important dimension for understanding global economic governance. It focuses on the Brazilian candidacy, stemming first from the OECD’s strategies towards the BRICS countries, but also towards Latin America, where the organization’s enlargement has expanded its members in a matching process with the incorporation of European countries. The OECD became a high priority for Brazil in the context of a significant change of orientations on economic reforms and foreign policy choices. By looking at the experience of Latin American countries regarding their accession processes to the OECD, the article concludes referring to the organization as an expanding Western-led institution aimed at promoting a liberal economic agenda through enhanced global governance mechanisms.
本文考察了经合组织的扩大过程,作为理解全球经济治理的一个重要维度。它的重点是巴西的候选资格,这首先源于经合组织对金砖国家的战略,也源于经合组织对拉丁美洲的战略,该组织的扩张在与欧洲国家合并的匹配过程中扩大了其成员。在经济改革方向和外交政策选择发生重大变化的背景下,经合发组织成为巴西的高度优先事项。通过考察拉丁美洲国家加入经合组织的经验,文章最后指出,该组织是一个由西方主导的不断扩大的机构,旨在通过加强全球治理机制来促进自由经济议程。
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引用次数: 9
Climate change, vulnerability and securitization 气候变化、脆弱性和证券化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000114
Cristiano Mendes, Letícia Britto dos Santos, Matilde de Souza
This article aims to examine whether vulnerability to Global Climate Change (GCC) increases or decreases a country’s attempts to securitize the issue. The research was based on the hypothesis that the more vulnerable the country to GCC, the more likely it is for the government to securitize its agenda. Seven countries were analyzed according to the Notre Dame Global Adaptation Initiative (ND-GAIN), the climate vulnerability index. The conclusion is that the hypothesis does not stand, and new guidelines for further research were suggested.
本文旨在考察全球气候变化脆弱性(GCC)是否增加或减少了一个国家将该问题证券化的尝试。这项研究基于这样一个假设:一个国家越容易受到海湾合作委员会的影响,政府就越有可能将其议程证券化。根据巴黎圣母院全球适应倡议(ND-GAIN)的气候脆弱性指数,对7个国家进行了分析。结论是,这一假设并不成立,并为进一步的研究提出了新的指导方针。
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引用次数: 0
Negotiating accountability in South-South Cooperation: the case of Brazil 南南合作中的问责谈判:巴西的案例
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000210
L. Waisbich
The increased political significance of South-South Cooperation (SSC), globally and within Brazilian Foreign Policy, has produced a variety of SSC accountability-related disputes. This paper unpacks the ways in which accountability has been problematised and negotiated in the last decade between the competing stakeholders and publics of Brazilian SSC along three intersecting dimensions: geopolitical, and state-society relations.
南南合作(SSC)在全球和巴西外交政策中的政治意义日益增加,产生了各种与南南合作问责制有关的争端。本文从地缘政治和国家-社会关系这三个相互交叉的维度,揭示了过去十年中,巴西南南合作的利益相关者和公众之间的问责问题和谈判方式。
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引用次数: 6
From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, road to nowhere? 从叶卡捷琳堡到巴西利亚:金砖国家和二十国集团,走向何方?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202000109
Niall Duggan, Juan Carlos Ladines Azalia
The BRICS have forged a collective identity to become a new driving force in Global Governance. They have used bodies such as the G20 to produce changes at global governance levels. This has raised two questions on their role. First, can they hold a common position despite different developmental agendas? Second, has the China’s economic leap produced a unique (Chinese) agenda rather than a collective (BRICS) one?
金砖国家已形成集体认同,成为全球治理的新动力。他们利用20国集团(G20)等机构在全球治理层面推动变革。这就对它们的作用提出了两个问题。第一,两国能否在发展议程不同的情况下保持共同立场?其次,中国的经济飞跃是否产生了一个独特的(中国的)议程,而不是一个集体的(金砖国家的)议程?
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引用次数: 4
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