Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1007/s10831-019-09195-3
J. Lai
{"title":"Parallel copying in dislocation copying: evidence from Cantonese","authors":"J. Lai","doi":"10.1007/s10831-019-09195-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-019-09195-3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":"243 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s10831-019-09195-3","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47741830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-15DOI: 10.1007/s10831-019-09194-4
Q. Li, Yiya Chen
{"title":"Prosodically conditioned neutral-tone realization in Tianjin Mandarin","authors":"Q. Li, Yiya Chen","doi":"10.1007/s10831-019-09194-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-019-09194-4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"28 1","pages":"211 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s10831-019-09194-4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52410446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-18DOI: 10.1007/s10831-019-09193-5
Toshiyuki Ogihara, Eun-Hae Park
This article discusses special agentive transitive verbs in Japanese and Korean (such as noru/thata ‘board’) that yield concrete result states (which we call target states) that are under the agentive subject’s control throughout their duration. These verbs (continuous causative (CC) verbs) produce two distinct interpretations: accomplishment and target state readings. The latter surface with several distinct constructions: (i) the aspectual morphemes -te iru (Japanese) and -ko iss (Korean); (ii) the simple past tense; and (iii) nominalization. Intuitively, what the agentive subject does is one continuous act: (i) attaining the target state in question, and (ii) preserving it. The name “continuous causative verb” stems from the fact that the agentive subject continues to behave like an agent throughout the complex eventuality. However, when we utter a sentence containing a CC verb, we either refer to the accomplishment portion or the continuation of the target state, not both at the same time. Our formal proposal posits an aspect shift rule in the lexicon, which is responsible for the target state reading of each CC verb. The target state is indicated by a relation that holds between the agent and the theme entity, which in turn predicts that the agent is responsible for keeping the state intact. Positing a semantic rule in the lexicon to predict the aspect shift allows us to account for the two interpretations of CC verbs. The behavior of temporal adverbials also receives a natural account in our proposal.
本文讨论了日语和韩语中特殊的代理及物动词(如noru/that ' board)，这些动词产生具体的结果状态(我们称之为目标状态)，这些状态在整个过程中都受代理主语的控制。这些动词(连续使役动词)产生两种不同的解释:完成和目标状态读数。后者表面有几个不同的结构:(i)面相语素- The iru(日语)和-ko iss(韩语);(ii)一般过去时;(三)名词化。直觉上，代理主体所做的是一个连续的行为:(i)达到有问题的目标状态，(ii)保持它。“连续使役动词”的名称源于这样一个事实，即在复杂的可能性中，施动主体继续像施动主体一样行为。然而，当我们说出一个包含CC动词的句子时，我们要么指完成部分，要么指目标状态的继续，而不是同时指两者。我们的正式建议在词典中假定了一个方面转移规则，该规则负责读取每个CC动词的目标状态。目标状态由代理和主题实体之间的关系表示，这反过来又预测代理负责保持状态的完整性。在词典中设置一个语义规则来预测方面的变化，使我们能够解释CC动词的两种解释。在我们的建议中，时间状语的行为也得到了自然的解释。
{"title":"Aspect shift without coercion: continuous causative verbs in Japanese and Korean","authors":"Toshiyuki Ogihara, Eun-Hae Park","doi":"10.1007/s10831-019-09193-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-019-09193-5","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses special agentive transitive verbs in Japanese and Korean (such as <i>noru</i>/<i>thata</i> ‘board’) that yield concrete result states (which we call target states) that are under the agentive subject’s control throughout their duration. These verbs (continuous causative (CC) verbs) produce two distinct interpretations: accomplishment and target state readings. The latter surface with several distinct constructions: (i) the aspectual morphemes -<i>te iru</i> (Japanese) and -<i>ko iss</i> (Korean); (ii) the simple past tense; and (iii) nominalization. Intuitively, what the agentive subject does is one continuous act: (i) attaining the target state in question, and (ii) preserving it. The name “continuous causative verb” stems from the fact that the agentive subject continues to behave like an agent throughout the complex eventuality. However, when we utter a sentence containing a CC verb, we either refer to the accomplishment portion or the continuation of the target state, not both at the same time. Our formal proposal posits an aspect shift rule in the lexicon, which is responsible for the target state reading of each CC verb. The target state is indicated by a relation that holds between the agent and the theme entity, which in turn predicts that the agent is responsible for keeping the state intact. Positing a semantic rule in the lexicon to predict the aspect shift allows us to account for the two interpretations of CC verbs. The behavior of temporal adverbials also receives a natural account in our proposal.","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138514749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-15DOI: 10.1007/s10831-019-09191-7
Niina Ning Zhang
This paper argues for the projection of DP for indefinites initiated with yi ‘one’ and indefinites initiated with a classifier in Mandarin Chinese. First, a null numeral for ‘one’ is identified. Second, in yi-initial nominals, an indefinite article is also identified. Third, for classifier-initial indefinites, which have no overt numeral, a head movement of a classifier to D is argued for. Therefore, the head of DP in the language can be realized by either an indefinite article or a raised classifier. No argument is in the structure of a bare Classifier Phrase in the language. The paper supports the idea that numeralless classifier nominals exist because of the availability of null numerals. It also proposes a semantic LF reanalysis approach to the dependency of a classifier-initial nominal on a higher head element in the language.
{"title":"Complex indefinites and the projection of DP in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Niina Ning Zhang","doi":"10.1007/s10831-019-09191-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-019-09191-7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues for the projection of DP for indefinites initiated with <i>yi</i> ‘one’ and indefinites initiated with a classifier in Mandarin Chinese. First, a null numeral for ‘one’ is identified. Second, in <i>yi</i>-initial nominals, an indefinite article is also identified. Third, for classifier-initial indefinites, which have no overt numeral, a head movement of a classifier to D is argued for. Therefore, the head of DP in the language can be realized by either an indefinite article or a raised classifier. No argument is in the structure of a bare Classifier Phrase in the language. The paper supports the idea that numeralless classifier nominals exist because of the availability of null numerals. It also proposes a semantic LF reanalysis approach to the dependency of a classifier-initial nominal on a higher head element in the language.","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138514713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1007/s10831-019-09190-8
Hui-shan Lin
In this paper, I discuss tonal reduplication in Kunming, which has received little attention in the formal linguistics literature. Based on first hand data, I show that tonal reduplication in Kunming is interesting in two respects. First, a Base tone is not always transferred to the RED (reduplicant); while a Hr (high register) Base tone (i.e., yinping 44, shangsheng 53) is transferred to the RED, the RED corresponding to a Lr (low register) Base tone (i.e., yangping 31, qusheng 11) surfaces with a non-correspondent high tone. I propose that the non-corresponding high tone comes from a floating tone that accompanies reduplication and is only realized on the RED corresponding to Lr Base tones, but not to Hr Base tones, because Hr Base tones are prominent and more easily preserved on the RED. Second, as far as yinping tone sandhi is concerned, though it applies normally on the Base and outside the BR complex, on the RED it unexpectedly underapplies when the RED carries a yinping tone copied from the Base. I propose that tone sandhi underapplies only on a copied yinping tone, and not elsewhere, because only underapplication of yinping tone sandhi in this case can help improve BR Identity.
{"title":"Tonal (non-)transfer in Kunming Reduplication","authors":"Hui-shan Lin","doi":"10.1007/s10831-019-09190-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-019-09190-8","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I discuss tonal reduplication in Kunming, which has received little attention in the formal linguistics literature. Based on first hand data, I show that tonal reduplication in Kunming is interesting in two respects. First, a Base tone is not always transferred to the RED (reduplicant); while a Hr (high register) Base tone (i.e., <i>yinping</i> 44, <i>shangsheng</i> 53) is transferred to the RED, the RED corresponding to a Lr (low register) Base tone (i.e., <i>yangping</i> 31, <i>qusheng</i> 11) surfaces with a non-correspondent high tone. I propose that the non-corresponding high tone comes from a floating tone that accompanies reduplication and is only realized on the RED corresponding to Lr Base tones, but not to Hr Base tones, because Hr Base tones are prominent and more easily preserved on the RED. Second, as far as <i>yinping</i> tone sandhi is concerned, though it applies normally on the Base and outside the BR complex, on the RED it unexpectedly underapplies when the RED carries a <i>yinping</i> tone copied from the Base. I propose that tone sandhi underapplies only on a copied <i>yinping</i> tone, and not elsewhere, because only underapplication of <i>yinping</i> tone sandhi in this case can help improve BR Identity.","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"1 4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138514729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-08DOI: 10.1007/s10831-019-09189-1
Nahyun Kwon, Keiko Masuda
Building on Childs’s (Pragmat Soc 5(3):341–354, 2014) proposal that skewed phonotactic distributions provide a legitimate resource for expressiveness in ideophones, often described as iconic words, this study examines whether there are differences in element ordering between ideophonic echo-words and prosaic dvandva compounds, with special reference to Korean and Japanese. Measured against Cooper and Ross’s (in: Papers from the parasession on functionalism, Chicago Linguistic Society, Chicago, pp 63–111, 1975) claimed-to-be-universal phonological constraints for the ordering of conjoined elements pertaining to element-initial consonants and vowels, the study reveals that both Korean and Japanese data comply with the constraints in general. However, in Korean, echo-words are significantly different from dvandva compounds in their compliance with the consonant constraint while they are not so with the vowel constraint. In reverse, echo-words and dvandva compounds in Japanese show a significant difference in their compliance with the vowel constraint but not with the consonant constraint. The findings provide quantitative evidence for the cross-linguistic applicability of the proposed phonological principles for element ordering and the language-specific phonotactic deviance of ideophones vis-à-vis the matrix language for the preferred ordering patterns.
{"title":"On the ordering of elements in ideophonic echo-words versus prosaic dvandva compounds, with special reference to Korean and Japanese","authors":"Nahyun Kwon, Keiko Masuda","doi":"10.1007/s10831-019-09189-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-019-09189-1","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Childs’s (Pragmat Soc 5(3):341–354, 2014) proposal that skewed phonotactic distributions provide a legitimate resource for expressiveness in ideophones, often described as iconic words, this study examines whether there are differences in element ordering between ideophonic echo-words and prosaic dvandva compounds, with special reference to Korean and Japanese. Measured against Cooper and Ross’s (in: Papers from the parasession on functionalism, Chicago Linguistic Society, Chicago, pp 63–111, 1975) claimed-to-be-universal phonological constraints for the ordering of conjoined elements pertaining to element-initial consonants and vowels, the study reveals that both Korean and Japanese data comply with the constraints in general. However, in Korean, echo-words are significantly different from dvandva compounds in their compliance with the consonant constraint while they are not so with the vowel constraint. In reverse, echo-words and dvandva compounds in Japanese show a significant difference in their compliance with the vowel constraint but not with the consonant constraint. The findings provide quantitative evidence for the cross-linguistic applicability of the proposed phonological principles for element ordering and the language-specific phonotactic deviance of ideophones vis-à-vis the matrix language for the preferred ordering patterns.","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-04DOI: 10.1007/s10831-018-9188-y
Tomoyuki Yoshida
Lahiri (Questions and answers in embedded contexts, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002) shows that the semantic categories <propositions> , <questions> , and <utterances> play a crucial role for complement selection in Spanish. This paper argues that Lahiri’s analysis can be directly applied to Japanese. In the course of discussion, the behavior of the sequence of complementizers (-no-ka-to) is examined in detail. It is suggested that we can analyze Japanese verbs and s-selection in a parallel way with Lahiri’s analysis of Spanish verbs if we extend Saito’s (J Jpn Linguist 26:85–100, 2010; Beyond functional sequence: the cartography of syntactic structures, vol 10, pp 255–274, 2015) analysis of the Japanese complementizer -to. It is also suggested that the behavior of verbs selecting commands as their complement can be captured if an additional semantic category <commands> is postulated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the distinction between a question and a report of a question is crucial for wh-scope interpretation. In particular, a question CP ceases to constitute an island for wh-scope interpretation when it is embedded as part of a report. This observation suggests that an account of wh-island effects along the line of minimality effects cannot be employed to explain the interpretation of wh-phrases embedded in a report of a question.
{"title":"Complement selection and wh -scope in Japanese","authors":"Tomoyuki Yoshida","doi":"10.1007/s10831-018-9188-y","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-018-9188-y","url":null,"abstract":"Lahiri (Questions and answers in embedded contexts, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002) shows that the semantic categories <propositions> , <questions> , and <utterances> play a crucial role for complement selection in Spanish. This paper argues that Lahiri’s analysis can be directly applied to Japanese. In the course of discussion, the behavior of the sequence of complementizers (-<i>no</i>-<i>ka</i>-<i>to</i>) is examined in detail. It is suggested that we can analyze Japanese verbs and s-selection in a parallel way with Lahiri’s analysis of Spanish verbs if we extend Saito’s (J Jpn Linguist 26:85–100, 2010; Beyond functional sequence: the cartography of syntactic structures, vol 10, pp 255–274, 2015) analysis of the Japanese complementizer -<i>to</i>. It is also suggested that the behavior of verbs selecting commands as their complement can be captured if an additional semantic category <commands> is postulated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the distinction between a question and a report of a question is crucial for <i>wh</i>-scope interpretation. In particular, a question CP ceases to constitute an island for <i>wh</i>-scope interpretation when it is embedded as part of a report. This observation suggests that an account of <i>wh</i>-island effects along the line of minimality effects cannot be employed to explain the interpretation of <i>wh</i>-phrases embedded in a report of a question.","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"25 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1007/s10831-018-9186-0
Hee-Rahk Chae
{"title":"The structural ambiguity of the (im)perfective [V-ko iss-] in Korean","authors":"Hee-Rahk Chae","doi":"10.1007/s10831-018-9186-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-018-9186-0","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"27 1","pages":"377 - 411"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s10831-018-9186-0","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42846273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1007/s10831-018-9187-z
{"title":"Acknowledgments","authors":"","doi":"10.1007/s10831-018-9187-z","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-018-9187-z","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"27 1","pages":"413-414"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s10831-018-9187-z","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46973543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-30DOI: 10.1007/s10831-018-9185-1
Nick Huang
{"title":"Control complements in Mandarin Chinese: implications for restructuring and the Chinese finiteness debate","authors":"Nick Huang","doi":"10.1007/s10831-018-9185-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-018-9185-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45331,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East Asian Linguistics","volume":"27 1","pages":"347 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s10831-018-9185-1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46334864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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