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Pay Transparency, Information Access Rights and Data Protection Law: Exploring Viable Alternatives to Disclosure Orders in Equal Pay Litigation 薪酬透明度、信息访问权和数据保护法:探索同工同酬诉讼中披露令的可行替代方案
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-09 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac028
Victoria E. Hooton, Henry Pearce
Equal pay litigation is often highly technical, with a drawn out and costly legal battle for claimants. This is somewhat because of the way equal pay law is constructed, as the requirement to have specific, named comparators can be an area of intense dispute. The complexity and length of cases look set to increase as the parameters of equal pay for work of equal value are explored, and occupational segregation is challenged in the employment tribunals and courts. This article considers one of the largest obstacles to quick and efficient equal pay litigation: the imbalance of access to information between employer and employee. The difficulties of applications for disclosure orders are discussed, alongside pay transparency measures and the recent proposals for a right to direct access to a suspected comparator’s pay data. We consider whether the proposed right is a viable, swifter route to information parity and greater efficiency in equal pay litigation, in light of the experience of freedom of information requests regarding equal pay. Specifically, we note the tension that may arise between the ‘Right to Know’ a comparator’s pay, and the data protection obligations of the employer.
同工同酬诉讼通常是高度技术性的,对原告来说是一场旷日持久、代价高昂的法律战。这在某种程度上是因为同工同酬法的构建方式,因为要求有具体的、命名的比较国可能是一个激烈争议的领域。随着对同工同酬的探讨,以及职业隔离在就业法庭和法院受到挑战,案件的复杂性和长度似乎会增加。本文考虑了快速有效的同工同酬诉讼的最大障碍之一:雇主和雇员之间获取信息的不平衡。讨论了申请披露令的困难,以及薪酬透明度措施和最近关于有权直接查阅可疑比较国薪酬数据的建议。根据有关同工同酬的信息自由要求的经验,我们考虑拟议的权利是否可行,更快捷地实现信息平等,并在同工同酬诉讼中提高效率。具体来说,我们注意到比较员薪酬的“知情权”与雇主的数据保护义务之间可能出现的紧张关系。
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引用次数: 2
We’re Miles Apart: Disproportionate Deductions from Wages, Industrial Action and Human Rights 我们相距甚远:不相称的工资扣减、工业行动和人权
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac037
Dave Mead
This article sets out a human rights-based critique of one aspect of the common law wage/work bargain: the rule that entitles employers to deduct an entire week’s pay from those taking action short of strike, and who thereby perform most, but not all, of their contractual duties. It makes the case that that rule, established in Miles v Wakefield MDC and Wiluszynski v Tower Hamlets over 35 years ago, constitutes a disproportionate interference with an employee’s right to strike and to take industrial action, under Article 11 of the ECHR. The article shows how such cases might be brought, depending on whether an employee is in the public or private sector and iterates the argument for implying a duty of ‘rights-obedience’ into the contract—either as a free-standing duty or as part of an expansion of the duty of mutual trust and confidence—as a corrective.
本文以人权为基础,对普通法工资/工作谈判的一个方面进行了批判:即雇主有权从那些在罢工之外采取行动并因此履行了大部分(但不是全部)合同义务的人身上扣除一整个星期的工资。它认为,根据欧洲人权公约第11条,在35年前的Miles v Wakefield MDC和Wiluszynski v Tower Hamlets案中确立的这一规则,对雇员罢工和采取工业行动的权利构成了不成比例的干涉。这篇文章展示了这样的案例是如何被提起的,这取决于雇员是在公共部门还是私营部门,并反复论证了在合同中暗示“权利服从”的义务——要么作为独立的义务,要么作为相互信任和信心义务的一部分——作为一种纠正。
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引用次数: 0
Introducing Fair Work through ‘Soft’ Regulation in Outsourced Public Service Networks: Explaining Unintended Outcomes in the Implementation of the Scottish Living Wage Policy 通过外包公共服务网络中的“软”监管引入公平工作:解释苏格兰生活工资政策实施中的意外结果
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac023
Ian Cunningham, Philip James, Alina Baluch, Anne-Marie Cullen
Using a regulatory analysis from Martinez Lucio and Mackenzie (2014 and 2016), this study contributes to debates concerning the capacity of ‘soft’ regulation to advance employment conditions and outcomes. This study explores the implementation of a real living wage policy for employees in outsourced Scottish social care. Despite employer compliance in implementing the living wage, it had a mixed impact on the income of workers and did not improve staff recruitment and retention. The theoretical framework challenges recent optimistic views concerning the impact of such regulation by revealing unintended and problematic consequences, such as problems with differentials and providers walking away from contracts. It further reveals how actor roles, interests, power resources and inter-relationships, as well as surrounding structural contextual influences (austerity, marketisation and engrained values and processes in political settlements), interacted to shape these outcomes. Insights from this study include that ‘soft’ regulation was unable to create conditions for actors such as trade unions, employers and non-governmental organisations to colonise or seize the regulatory space to secure the full benefits of the Scottish Living Wage. The political settlement with the Scottish Government allowed local authorities to retain coercive control over other actors in the regulatory space. Employers and trade unions were further hindered by lack of unity and continued isolation from decisions, respectively. Surrounding economic and ideological restrictions imposed by the central UK government’s austerity agenda, and the retention of powers over employment regulation added to the failure of these ‘soft’ measures to increase pay and improve recruitment and retention in social care.
利用马丁内斯·卢西奥和麦肯齐(2014年和2016年)的监管分析,本研究有助于讨论“软”监管促进就业条件和结果的能力。本研究探讨了在外包的苏格兰社会护理员工的实际生活工资政策的实施。尽管雇主遵守执行最低生活工资,但它对工人收入的影响好坏参半,并没有改善工作人员的征聘和保留。该理论框架通过揭示意想不到的和有问题的后果,例如差异和供应商放弃合同的问题,挑战了最近关于此类监管影响的乐观观点。它进一步揭示了行动者的角色、利益、权力资源和相互关系,以及周围的结构性背景影响(紧缩、市场化和政治解决中根深蒂固的价值观和过程)是如何相互作用来塑造这些结果的。这项研究的见解包括,“软”监管无法为工会、雇主和非政府组织等行为者创造条件,让他们殖民或抓住监管空间,以确保苏格兰生活工资的全部好处。与苏格兰政府达成的政治解决方案允许地方当局在监管领域保留对其他行为者的强制控制。雇主和工会分别因缺乏团结和继续孤立于决策之外而进一步受到阻碍。英国中央政府的紧缩议程所施加的经济和意识形态限制,以及对就业监管的权力保留,增加了这些“软”措施的失败,这些措施增加了工资,改善了社会关怀方面的招聘和保留。
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引用次数: 0
From ‘Code’ to ‘Guidance’: Revising the Instrument on Data and Employment 从“守则”到“指引”:修订数据与就业文书
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac021
Aislinn Kelly-Lyth, Halefom H. Abraha, Jeremias Adams-Prassl
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引用次数: 0
A History of Regulating Working Families: Strains, Stereotypes, Strategies and Solutions 管理工薪家庭的历史:压力、刻板印象、策略和解决方案
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac026
A. Zbyszewska
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引用次数: 0
Strategic Injustice and the 1984–85 Miners’ Strike in Scotland 策略性不公正与1984-85年苏格兰矿工罢工
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac017
J. Phillips
Justice was sorely experienced by Scottish miners in the strike against pit closures and redundancies in 1984–85. In Scotland strikers were arrested by police officers at twice the rate of those in England and Wales and were three times more likely to be dismissed from employment by the National Coal Board. Analysis uses Gramsci as guide: Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government was engaged in an anti-trade union war of position as well as a war of manoeuvre. In Scotland, despite the strike’s legality, police officers and NCB officials outmanoeuvred the strikers by criminalising and victimising their local leaders. Arrests and relatively innocuous public-order convictions were followed by punitive sackings which reinforced the government’s positional untruths about the strike. This targeted action was strategic: to defeat the strike; and weaken opposition to the closure of some collieries while intensifying production at others. The subsequent acceleration of deindustrialisation was a further injustice. In contributing to further political divergence within the UK, however, it provided a route to restorative justice for former strikers and their supporters in Scotland. In 2022 the Scottish Parliament provided a collective and posthumous pardon for more than 500 people with strike-related convictions in Scottish courts.
苏格兰矿工在1984-85年反对煤矿关闭和裁员的罢工中痛苦地经历了正义。在苏格兰,罢工者被警察逮捕的几率是英格兰和威尔士的两倍,被国家煤炭委员会解雇的几率是英格兰和威尔士的三倍。分析以葛兰西为指导:玛格丽特•撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)领导的保守党政府既参与了一场反工会的阵地战,也参与了一场策略战。在苏格兰,尽管罢工是合法的,但警察和NCB官员通过将当地领导人定为犯罪和受害者来智取罢工者。逮捕和相对无害的公共秩序定罪之后是惩罚性的解雇,这加强了政府对罢工的立场谎言。这次有针对性的行动具有战略意义:挫败罢工;在加强其他煤矿生产的同时,削弱对关闭一些煤矿的反对。随后加速的去工业化是进一步的不公平。然而,在促成英国内部进一步的政治分歧的同时,它为苏格兰的前罢工者及其支持者提供了一条恢复正义的途径。2022年,苏格兰议会为500多名在苏格兰法院因罢工而被定罪的人提供了集体和死后赦免。
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引用次数: 1
How Effective Is Private Dispute Resolution? Evidence From Ireland 私人纠纷解决有多有效?来自爱尔兰的证据
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-25 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac018
W. Roche
This article examines the effectiveness of private dispute resolution arrangements (PDRAs) established voluntarily by employers and unions in private- and public-sector firms and agencies in Ireland. PDRAs comprise three-person panels or sole adjudicators and combine binding or non-binding adjudication with internal mediation. PDRAs seek to rewrite the established rules and conventions governing dispute resolution within workplaces and to change the ways in which internal dispute resolution is aligned with external dispute resolution by state agencies. The majority of the eleven PDRAs examined are shown to be effective. One is described as ‘semi-dormant’ and two are shown to be less effective. Variations in the effectiveness of PDRAs are attributed to features of the internal and external contexts of the firms and agencies in which they have been established: the persistence of significant commercial and industrial relations challenges; the absence of disjunctures in organisations or industrial relations; the presence of champions; and the effects of industrial relations legacies. The paper contributes to the literature by systematically accounting for variations in the effectiveness of adjudication and arbitrations arrangements and concludes by considering whether the incidence of PDRAs is likely to continue rising.
本文考察了爱尔兰私营和公共部门公司和机构中雇主和工会自愿建立的私人争议解决安排(PDRAs)的有效性。审裁处由三人小组或独任审裁员组成,并将有约束力或无约束力的裁决与内部调解结合起来。PDRAs试图改写管理工作场所争议解决的既定规则和惯例,并改变国家机构内部争议解决与外部争议解决相一致的方式。11种PDRAs中的大多数被证明是有效的。一种被描述为“半休眠”,另两种被证明效果较差。方案评估的有效性的差异是由于建立方案评估的公司和机构的内部和外部环境的特点:持续存在重大的商业和工业关系挑战;组织或劳资关系中不存在脱节;冠军的出现;以及劳资关系遗留问题的影响。本文通过系统地解释裁决和仲裁安排有效性的变化,并通过考虑PDRAs的发生率是否可能继续上升来总结文献。
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引用次数: 0
The Expansion of Wage Theft Legislation in Common Law Countries—Should Ireland be Next? 英美法系国家工资盗窃立法的扩张——爱尔兰应该是下一个吗?
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-22 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac019
M. O'Sullivan
While employment laws exist to protect workers from the unfair exploitation, evidence suggests that wage theft is a prominent practice. Wage theft has received considerable public policy attention in several common law countries leading to the introduction of new legislation on the basis that existing legal regulations were inadequate and because the effects of wage theft are particularly deleterious for low-wage workers. Wage theft though remains underexplored in an Irish policy context. This article examines whether Ireland needs stronger laws to address wage theft by assessing if existing minimum wage and working time employment legislation provide an effective remedy for workers. The analysis finds that Irish laws already contain many provisions which new wage theft laws in other jurisdictions have introduced, suggesting radically new legislation is not needed. Several features of existing laws though obstruct workers in seeking remedy for underpayments and require amendment. Changing legislation, however, will likely be insufficient for an effective enforcement regime and it must be supplemented by statutory support for collective representation and enhancing labour inspectorate capacity to act on workers’ behalf.
虽然就业法的存在是为了保护工人免受不公平的剥削,但有证据表明,工资盗窃是一种突出的做法。在几个普通法国家,工资盗窃已受到相当大的公共政策关注,导致以现有法律条例不足为基础,并因为工资盗窃对低工资工人的影响特别有害,而制定了新的立法。然而,在爱尔兰的政策背景下,工资盗窃问题仍未得到充分探讨。本文通过评估现有的最低工资和工作时间就业立法是否为工人提供了有效的补救措施,研究爱尔兰是否需要更强有力的法律来解决工资盗窃问题。分析发现,爱尔兰法律已经包含了许多其他司法管辖区新的工资盗窃法引入的条款,这表明根本不需要新的立法。然而,现有法律的一些特点阻碍了工人寻求对欠薪的补救,需要修改。然而,改变立法可能不足以建立有效的执法制度,必须辅之以对集体代表权的法定支持和加强劳工监察员代表工人采取行动的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Nonwaivability of Labour Rights, Individual Waivers and the Emancipatory Function of Labour Law 劳动权利的不可放弃性、个人放弃与劳动法的解放功能
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-22 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac020
Vladimir Bogoeski
This paper intervenes in ongoing discussions on emerging legislation and jurisprudence across jurisdictions offering employees the possibility to renounce established labour rights through individual labour rights waivers. Building on discussions about consent and coercion in the employment relationship, the paper argues that individual labour rights waivers in most cases undermine labour law’s overall emancipatory potential, as they reverse the decommodifying effects of nonwaivable labour rights by re-appropriating the capitalist market logic that those very rights seek to offset. The paper’s intervention is twofold. It first develops the argument about the emancipatory function of labour law, and uses it to examine the negative effects of individual waivers on labour law’s capacity to emancipate working people and society at large. Second, the paper introduces a jurisdiction that until now has not been considered in the discussions on individual waivers, namely Germany. Although discussions on individual waivers in the scholarly discourse in Germany are marginal, the paper examines what current exceptions to nonwaivability might qualify as waivers, and argues that the reasons why individual labour rights waivers are less present lie in the strong collective dimension of the ideational framework that underpins German labour law.
本文介入了正在进行的关于跨司法管辖区的新兴立法和判例的讨论,为雇员提供了通过个人劳动权利放弃而放弃既定劳动权利的可能性。基于对雇佣关系中的同意和强制的讨论,本文认为,在大多数情况下,个人劳动权的放弃破坏了劳动法的整体解放潜力,因为它们通过重新占用那些权利试图抵消的资本主义市场逻辑,逆转了不可放弃的劳动权的去修正效应。该报的干预是双重的。本文首先对劳动法的解放功能展开论述,并用它来考察个人弃权对劳动法解放劳动者和整个社会的能力的负面影响。其次,本文介绍了一个迄今为止在个人豁免的讨论中尚未考虑到的司法管辖区,即德国。尽管在德国的学术论述中对个人弃权的讨论处于边缘地位,但本文考察了当前不可放弃性的例外可能符合弃权的条件,并认为个人劳动权弃权较少存在的原因在于支撑德国劳动法的理念框架的强大集体维度。
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引用次数: 1
The Influence of the EU on UK Labour Law—Before and After Brexit 英国脱欧前后欧盟对英国劳动法的影响
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwac016
P. Syrpis
This article examines the influence of the EU over UK labour law, before and after Brexit. It compares the influence of the EU within the internal market with that under the UK–EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) agreed in December 2020. It focuses both on the different mechanisms through which labour law standards may be enforced before and after Brexit, and, in particular, on the extent to which the internal market case law of the Court of Justice (CJEU) may be utilised by labour lawyers seeking to apply the ‘level playing field’ provisions of the TCA. Given the structure of the EU Treaties and the TCA, arguments for high labour standards within the EU and in trade agreements signed by the EU, are more likely to be successful not where they are based on autonomous social arguments, but instead where labour and trade law arguments are combined.
本文考察了英国脱欧前后欧盟对英国劳动法的影响。它将欧盟在内部市场的影响力与2020年12月达成的《英欧贸易与合作协定》(TCA)下的影响力进行了比较。它侧重于在英国脱欧之前和之后执行劳动法标准的不同机制,特别是劳工律师在多大程度上可以利用法院(CJEU)的内部市场判例法来应用TCA的“公平竞争环境”条款。鉴于欧盟条约和TCA的结构,在欧盟内部和欧盟签署的贸易协定中主张高劳工标准的论点更有可能成功,而不是基于自主的社会论点,而是在劳工和贸易法论点相结合的情况下。
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引用次数: 2
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Industrial Law Journal
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