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State Responsibility under the Indian Child Welfare Act: The People of the State of Colorado, in the Interest of K.C. and L.C., Children, and Concerning D.C. (2020) 印第安儿童福利法下的国家责任:科罗拉多州人民,为了K.C.和l.c.的利益,儿童,以及有关哥伦比亚特区(2020)
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2020.1783766
R. Reid
Abstract In The People of the State of Colorado, Appellee, In the Interest OF K.C. and L.C., Children, and Concerning D.C., Appellants (2020), the Colorado Court of Appeals issued a ruling to vacate and remand with directions a previous judgment that determined that children who are eligible to enroll in the Chickasaw Nation are not “Indian” pursuant to the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA). As a termination of parental right case, the court elevates ICWA requirements of state responsibility from “reasonable efforts” to “active efforts” to ensure that enrollment-eligible children are assisted with the completion of Tribal citizenship and enrollment forms as well as the timely notification of Tribal interests to the courts.
在“科罗拉多州人民,被上诉人,为了K.C.和l.c.的利益,儿童,以及关于d.c.,上诉人(2020)”一案中,科罗拉多州上诉法院发布了一项裁决,撤销并发回原审判决,并附有指示,该判决认定,根据《印第安儿童福利法》(ICWA),有资格加入奇卡索民族的儿童不是“印第安人”。作为终止父母权利的案件,法院将ICWA对国家责任的要求从“合理努力”提升为“积极努力”,以确保符合入学条件的儿童得到协助,完成部落公民身份和入学表格,并及时向法院通报部落利益。
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the Editor 编辑来信
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261x.2020.1789828
Amy Steigerwalt
Welcome to the second issue of Volume 41 for the Justice System Journal. JSJ is published under an arrangement between the National Center for State Courts and Routledge (Taylor & Francis). The Journal’s commitment is to providing an outlet for innovative, social scientific research on the myriad of issues that pertain to the third branch of government. Information about JSJ, including the Journal’s Aims & Scopes as well as instructions for manuscript submissions, can be found at our website: http://www.tandfonline.com/ujsj. Manuscript submissions are processed solely online through the ScholarOne system, and the direct link to submit a manuscript is http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/ujsj. We begin this issue with a pair of studies that seek to better understand parties’ goals in appealing to and arguing in front of the US Supreme Court. Our first article is by Claire B. Wofford of the College of Charleston, entitled “Why Try? Comparing the Aims of Parties and Amici in U.S. Supreme Court Litigation.” Wofford tackles this question by positing that named parties to a case are primarily concerned with winning while amici seek to influence the broader legal policy the Court announces. Wofford argues that a focus on winning will actually mean proposing multiple legal options for the Court to choose from in a brief, as opposed to focusing on just one; conversely, a focus on a single legal rule emphasizes the desirability of that particular policy outcome. Wofford’s findings confirm these findings generally, but also reveal that interest groups are much more focused on winning, and not simply the adoption of particular legal rules, than conventional wisdom suggests. Andrew H. Smith’s (University of Texas, Rio Grande Valley) contribution to this broader debate delves into the decision to appeal to the Supreme Court given the high costs and low probability of acceptance. In “The Effect of Ideology and Resource Advantages on Appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court,” Smith argues and finds that trends over time support the notion that increased resource gaps between litigants leads to fewer appeals, though it’s unclear whether this is more due to a lack of resources for disadvantaged litigants or due to strategic behavior by advantaged litigants seeking to avoid the creation of nationwide precedent. Smith also finds mixed support for the idea that appeals decisions reflect a greater circuit-Supreme Court ideological divide. Read in tandem with Wofford’s argument, both these pieces raise important questions for future research about litigant goals and calculations, and also how these goals and calculations may differ across time, and types of litigants. Our third research article focuses on “Judicial Nominations to the Courts of Appeals and the Strategic Decision to Elevate.” Mikel Norris (Coastal Caroline University) argues presidents choose nominees with an eye toward the likelihood of a contentious confirmation battle. When such battles are more likely, president
欢迎阅读《司法系统杂志》第41卷第二期。《JSJ》是由国家法院中心和劳特利奇出版社(Taylor & Francis)合作出版的。《华尔街日报》致力于为涉及政府第三部门的无数问题的创新社会科学研究提供一个出口。关于JSJ的信息,包括杂志的目标和范围以及手稿提交说明,可以在我们的网站上找到:http://www.tandfonline.com/ujsj。稿件提交完全通过ScholarOne系统在线处理,提交稿件的直接链接是http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/ujsj。我们从两项研究开始讨论这个问题,这两项研究试图更好地理解当事人在美国最高法院上诉和辩论时的目标。我们的第一篇文章是查尔斯顿学院的克莱尔·b·沃福德写的,题为“为什么要尝试?”比较美国最高法院诉讼中当事人和法院之友的目的。沃福德通过假设案件的指定当事人主要关心的是胜诉,而“朋友”则试图影响法院宣布的更广泛的法律政策来解决这个问题。沃福德认为,注重胜诉实际上意味着在摘要中提出多种法律选项供法院选择,而不是只关注一种;相反,对单一法律规则的关注强调了该特定政策结果的可取性。沃福德的研究结果总体上证实了这些发现,但也揭示了利益集团比传统观点认为的更关注胜利,而不仅仅是采用特定的法律规则。安德鲁·h·史密斯(德克萨斯大学里奥格兰德河谷分校)对这一更广泛的辩论的贡献是,在考虑到高成本和低录取概率的情况下,向最高法院上诉的决定。在《意识形态和资源优势对美国最高法院上诉的影响》一书中,史密斯论证并发现,随着时间的推移,趋势支持这样一种观点,即诉讼当事人之间资源差距的扩大导致上诉的减少,尽管尚不清楚这更多是由于弱势诉讼当事人缺乏资源,还是由于优势诉讼当事人寻求避免创造全国先例的战略行为。史密斯还发现,上诉判决反映了巡回法院和最高法院之间更大的意识形态分歧,这一观点得到了褒贬不一的支持。与Wofford的论点一起阅读,这两篇文章都提出了关于诉讼目标和计算的未来研究的重要问题,以及这些目标和计算如何随着时间和诉讼当事人类型的不同而不同。我们的第三篇研究文章侧重于“上诉法院的司法提名和提升的战略决策”。米克尔·诺里斯(海岸卡罗琳大学)认为,总统在选择提名人时,会考虑到有争议的确认战的可能性。当这样的斗争更有可能发生时,总统们会战略性地选择提拔不那么极端的地方法院法官,以试图先发制人。潜在的奖励是什么?提名新的地区法院法官的能力更能反映他们的偏好。诺里斯这篇文章的含义是,总统在填补联邦法官职位空缺时,会采取一种多年的长期战略。我们的最后一篇文章是由国家法院中心的布莱恩·j·奥斯特罗姆和乔丹·鲍曼撰写的特别报告,总结了他们在实践中对整体辩护实践的实地评估,这是国家司法研究所资助的一个项目的一部分。根据对三家公设辩护律师事务所的审查,他们强调了一些好处,以及一些
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引用次数: 0
“Why Try? Comparing the Aims of Parties and Amici in U.S. Supreme Court Litigation” “为什么试试吗?美国最高法院诉讼中当事人与法院之友的目的比较
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2020.1743799
Claire B. Wofford
Abstract Why do litigants and amici curiae appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court? The judicial politics literature tells us that litigants do so primarily to win the case while amici are more concerned with the legal policy contained in the opinion. The concept of “legal rules” offers one mechanism to evaluate these claims. As legal rules are the Court’s legal policy, the extent of resources case participants devote to rules should reflect the extent they care about the case’s outcome or policy: the more they care about policy, the more attention they should devote to rules; the more they are interested in winning the case, the less attention they should devote to rules. I measure this attention via the number of legal rules litigants and amici suggest to the justices in their written briefs. The findings confirm that parties care primarily about victory on the merits while amici are generally concerned with policy. The results also indicate, however, that the aims of both litigants and amici can vary significantly by their status and that interest group amici in particular may be more interested in winning a case than we have recognized.
为什么诉讼当事人和法庭之友会向美国最高法院上诉?司法政治文献告诉我们,诉讼当事人这样做主要是为了打赢官司,而原告之友更关心的是意见书中包含的法律政策。“法律规则”的概念提供了一种评估这些主张的机制。法律规则是法院的法律政策,案件参与人对规则投入的资源程度应反映其对案件结果或政策的关注程度:对政策的关注程度越高,对规则的关注程度越高;他们越想打赢官司,就越不应该把注意力放在规则上。我通过诉讼当事人及其朋友在书面摘要中向法官提出的法律规则的数量来衡量这种关注。调查结果证实,政党主要关心的是是非对错的胜利,而朋友们通常关心的是政策。然而,研究结果还表明,诉讼当事人和amici的目标可能因其地位而有很大差异,尤其是利益集团amici,可能比我们所认识到的对赢得案件更感兴趣。
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引用次数: 2
The Effect of Ideology and Resource Advantages on Appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court 意识形态和资源优势对美国最高法院上诉的影响
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2020.1758978
Andrew H. Smith
Abstract Scholars examining the relationship between the federal appellate courts and the U.S. Supreme Court have heretofore explored a myriad of explanations for how the Supreme Court determines which cases it will accept for review, including the ideological relationships between the justices and the circuit judges (and courts) and the resource statuses of the petitioning and responding parties. What scholars have overlooked is why some litigants appeal to the Supreme Court at all, given the low rate of review by the Court and the high costs (financial and otherwise) of an appeal. Scholars have also overlooked how changes in these relationships over time, and across circuits, affect the rates of appeals in the aggregate. I hypothesize that greater ideological disagreements between the circuits and the high court increase the rates of appeals over time, and I hypothesize that increases in the resource divide between the “haves” and “have nots” will depress appeals over time.
迄今为止,研究联邦上诉法院与美国最高法院之间关系的学者们对最高法院如何决定接受哪些案件进行审查进行了无数的解释,包括大法官与巡回法官(和法院)之间的意识形态关系,以及请愿方和应诉方的资源状况。学者们忽视的是,鉴于最高法院的审查率很低,上诉的成本(经济和其他方面)很高,为什么有些诉讼当事人会上诉到最高法院。学者们也忽视了这些关系随着时间的推移,以及不同法院之间的变化如何影响总体上的上诉率。我假设,随着时间的推移,巡回法院和高等法院之间更大的意识形态分歧会增加上诉的比率,我假设,随着时间的推移,“富人”和“穷人”之间资源鸿沟的扩大会抑制上诉。
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引用次数: 1
Research Note: Investigating the Viability of Stylometric Analysis to Attribute Authorship of Supreme Court Opinions 研究说明:调查文体学分析的可行性,以确定最高法院意见的作者
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-06 DOI: 10.1080/0098261x.2020.1723455
B. Phillips
Abstract Function word content analysis is a proven method previously used to study disputed authorship in documents such as historical letters and novels. It has been used in similar fashion to review Supreme Court Justices’ legal opinions, demonstrating general contribution by clerks and variation related to their influence. It has not been used to create a “fingerprint” for clerks that may be used not only to understand their contributions but to directly attribute authorship of any given opinion to them or their Justice. This study builds on previous work to test the potential of a new application of this method in determining the contributions of Supreme Court clerks to the authorship of opinions. Drawing on the academic writings of clerks and Justices, this method has potential for attributing authorship contributions of clerks to individual legal opinions. This could open opinions to review as early and formative work of legal scholars and jurists, many of whom serve as clerks early in their careers. It may also have application to investigating authorship contributions in other legal writings.
功能词内容分析是一种经过验证的方法,以前用于研究文献中有争议的作者,如历史信件和小说。它也以类似的方式被用来审查最高法院大法官的法律意见,显示书记员的总体贡献以及与其影响力相关的变化。它还没有被用来为法官创造一个“指纹”,不仅可以用来了解他们的贡献,而且可以直接将任何特定意见的作者归属于他们或他们的法官。本研究建立在先前工作的基础上,以测试该方法在确定最高法院书记员对意见书作者的贡献方面的新应用的潜力。利用书记员和大法官的学术著作,这种方法有可能将书记员的作者贡献归因于个人法律意见。这可以使人们对法律学者和法学家的早期和形成性工作进行评论,他们中的许多人在职业生涯的早期担任书记员。它也可能适用于调查其他法律著作的作者贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Judicial Nominations to the Courts of Appeals and the Strategic Decision to Elevate 上诉法院的司法提名和提升的战略决定
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2020.1734510
Mikel Norris
Abstract Although presidents regularly elevate district court judges to fill appellate court vacancies, research to date suggests that presidents elevate judges who are further from their preferences than nominees outside the federal judiciary. Current research also does not offer a satisfactory answer of when and why presidents decide to elevate. I argue that presidents are likely to decide to elevate when they perceive political conditions that they think will lead to a nominee facing a difficult confirmation battle in the Senate. Once they decide to elevate, they then elevate judges further from their preferences, knowing they will have the conciliatory prize of being able to fill a newly opened district court seat. This argument is bolstered by recent work that theorizes that judicial nominations and confirmations are dynamic, and not one-shot activities that gridlock models of advice and consent would suggest. The results of this analysis bear out my hypotheses. Presidents typically elevate when the ideological balance of an appellate court is at stake and, when they do, they often elevate district judges who are further from their preferences than they otherwise would. In fact, the district judges they elevate frequently resemble ideologically the appellate judges they are replacing.
虽然总统经常提升地区法院法官来填补上诉法院的空缺,但迄今为止的研究表明,总统提升的法官与联邦司法机构以外的候选人相比,与他们的偏好相差更大。目前的研究也没有提供一个令人满意的答案,即总统何时以及为什么决定提升自己。我认为,当总统认为政治形势将导致被提名人在参议院面临艰难的确认战时,他们可能会决定提升。一旦他们决定提升法官,他们就会根据自己的喜好进一步提升法官,因为他们知道,他们将获得能够填补新开设的地区法院席位的和解奖励。最近的一项研究支持了这一观点,该研究认为,司法提名和确认是动态的,而不是僵局式的建议和同意模式所暗示的一次性活动。分析的结果证实了我的假设。当上诉法院的意识形态平衡受到威胁时,总统通常会提升法官,而当他们这样做时,他们往往会提升那些与他们的偏好相差更大的地区法官。事实上,他们提拔的地区法官在意识形态上经常与他们取代的上诉法官相似。
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引用次数: 0
Examining the Effectiveness of Indigent Defense Team Services: A Multisite Evaluation of Holistic Defense in Practice 考察贫困防御团队服务的有效性:整体防御实践中的多站点评价
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2020.1723842
Brian J. Ostrom, J. Bowman
Abstract The past 50 years has witnessed the ongoing development by public defenders of what it means to “provide the effective assistance of counsel” through strong legal advocacy. More recently, many practitioners contend that in addition to the defense attorney, professional support services, such as social workers, paralegals, and criminal investigators, are critical to effective assistance of counsel in indigent defense cases. The umbrella of what we call the holistic defense model covers the most developed concepts and practices of an integrated defense team. The National Center for State Courts (NCSC) evaluated the implementation of holistic defense practices at three public defender offices: the Department of Public Advocacy in Bowling Green, Kentucky; the Hennepin County Public Defender in Minneapolis, Minnesota; and the Rhode Island Public Defender in Providence County, Rhode Island. In all offices, on-site interviews and surveys were conducted with attorneys, judges, social workers, investigators, and others with knowledge of practices at the site. Results from the evaluation clarify (1) how indigent defense providers have implemented the principles of holistic defense in practice, (2) how holistic defense practices vary among providers, and (3) what factors have facilitated or impeded implementation of holistic defense practices. A team-based approach to representation was most prevalent at Hennepin County and Rhode Island, where social workers, investigators, and attorneys worked closely together and perceived themselves to be part of a “defense team,” while local constraints reduced the level of teamwork at Bowling Green. The findings make clear that each site approaches the practice of holistic defense differently, largely driven by local priorities and funding realities.
在过去的50年里,公设辩护人通过强有力的法律倡导,对“提供有效的律师协助”的含义进行了不断的阐释。最近,许多从业人员认为,除了辩护律师,专业支持服务,如社会工作者,律师助理和刑事调查人员,是关键的有效援助律师在贫困辩护案件。我们称之为整体防御模型的保护伞涵盖了综合防御团队最先进的概念和实践。国家法院中心(NCSC)评估了三个公共辩护办公室的整体辩护实践实施情况:肯塔基州鲍灵格林的公共辩护部;明尼苏达州明尼阿波利斯的亨内平县公设辩护人;以及罗德岛普罗维登斯县的罗德岛公设辩护人。在所有办公室,与律师、法官、社会工作者、调查员和其他了解现场实践的人员进行了现场访谈和调查。评估结果阐明了(1)贫困医疗服务提供者如何在实践中实施整体防御原则,(2)不同医疗服务提供者之间整体防御实践的差异,以及(3)促进或阻碍整体防御实践实施的因素。以团队为基础的代理方式在亨内平县和罗德岛州最为普遍,那里的社会工作者、调查人员和律师紧密合作,认为自己是“辩护团队”的一部分,而在鲍灵格林,当地的限制降低了团队合作的水平。调查结果清楚地表明,每个地点采用不同的整体防御方法,主要受当地优先事项和资金现实的驱动。
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引用次数: 2
Who Can Impact the US Supreme Court’s Legitimacy? 谁能影响美国最高法院的合法性?
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2019.1687371
Miles T. Armaly
Abstract Individuals make judgments about the US Supreme Court via an uncommon preexisting positivity toward the institution. But they are also influenced by elite cues. Under scrutiny here is whether figures who are not as notorious as, say, presidents can influence attitudes toward the Supreme Court. I argue that lesser-salience figures can influence public support for the judiciary, but that some limit of influence surely exists. Using two original survey experiments, I demonstrate both of these propositions to be true. Altogether, of the 12 political figures purported to criticize the Court, 8 are able to compel respondents to change how legitimate they believe the judiciary is in a manner consistent with feelings toward the figure. Figures whom many individuals cannot associate with a particular partisan group do not wield this influence. The support on which the Court relies may be more malleable than previously believed, but is not entirely unresisting.
个人通过对美国最高法院不寻常的预先存在的积极态度来做出对该机构的判断。但他们也会受到精英线索的影响。这里受到审查的是,那些不像总统那样臭名昭著的人物,是否能影响人们对最高法院的态度。我认为,不那么引人注目的人物可以影响公众对司法机构的支持,但这种影响肯定是有限度的。通过两个原始的调查实验,我证明了这两个命题都是正确的。总的来说,在12位据称批评最高法院的政治人物中,有8位能够以与对该数字的感受一致的方式迫使受访者改变他们认为司法机构的合法性。许多人无法将其与特定党派团体联系起来的人物不会施加这种影响。法院所依赖的支持可能比以前认为的更具可塑性,但并非完全没有抵抗。
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引用次数: 4
An Overview of Prosecutor-Led Diversion Programs: A New Incarnation of an Old Idea 检察官主导的转移项目概述:旧思想的新化身
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261X.2019.1707136
K. Johnson, Robert C. Davis, M. Labriola, M. Rempel, Warren A. Reich
Abstract Pretrial diversion programs began in the 1970s with the intention to provide participants an alternative to incarceration and prevent the negative impact of conviction, while allowing criminal justice providers reduced caseloads. Early programs emphasized goals of employment and rehabilitation. While initial evaluation results were encouraging, findings from more sophisticated research studies were negative and helped to discredit diversion programs. More recently, prosecutors have begun reintroducing diversion programs with more pragmatic goals such as reduced case processing costs and expungement of criminal records to prevent loss of access to the employment market. This article presents findings from a descriptive study of 15 diverse prosecutor-led diversion programs. The article describes the goals of these programs, program eligibility, program requirements, and dispositions upon successful completion; and draws contrasts between modern programs and their predecessors.
审前分流项目始于20世纪70年代,目的是为参与者提供监禁之外的另一种选择,防止定罪的负面影响,同时允许刑事司法提供者减少案件数量。早期的项目强调就业和康复的目标。虽然最初的评估结果令人鼓舞,但更复杂的研究结果是负面的,这有助于质疑转移计划。最近,检察官开始重新引入分流项目,其目标更加务实,如降低案件处理成本和删除犯罪记录,以防止失去进入就业市场的机会。本文介绍了一项对15种不同的检察官主导的转移项目的描述性研究的结果。文章描述了这些方案的目标,方案资格,方案要求,并在成功完成处置;并将现代项目与其前身进行了对比。
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引用次数: 5
Letter from the Editor 编辑来信
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/0098261x.2020.1735689
Amy Steigerwalt
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引用次数: 0
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