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Trust in Local Government: How States’ Legal Obligations to Protect Water Resources Can Support Local Efforts to Restrict Fracking 对地方政府的信任:各州保护水资源的法律义务如何支持地方限制水力压裂的努力
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-10-03 DOI: 10.15779/Z38V698C2K
William C. Mumby
Hydraulic fracturing, an oil and gas drilling technique commonly referred to as “fracking,” has experienced a profound expansion in the United States since the dawn of the twenty-first century. Providing an influx of cheap oil and gas and new job opportunities, the boom has worked wonders for the American economy. However, with the financial benefits came considerable environmental risks, such as air pollution and water contamination. With the federal government’s role in regulating fracking uncertain, the states have taken up the torch in managing the practice. Dissatisfied with state regulations, many local governments have passed local bans and moratoria to protect their communities from environmental and public health harms. But states and oil and gas interests have responded with lawsuits seeking to invalidate local fracking restrictions as inconsistent with state law. These preemption efforts have seen recent success in Colorado, where the state supreme court struck down a fracking ban in the City of Longmont and a five-year moratorium in the City of Fort Collins. Notably, the court contrasted the fracking restriction endeavors in Colorado with the success of local restrictions in Pennsylvania. Robinson Township in Pennsylvania successfully argued that Pennsylvania’s obligation to protect natural resources for the public superseded state efforts to prohibit local bans on fracking. The Colorado Supreme Court indicated that no such state obligation to the public existed in the Colorado Constitution or in Colorado common law. However, this begs the question about whether state obligations to protect water resources could bolster efforts of local governments in other states to hamper fracking.
水力压裂是一种通常被称为“水力压裂”的石油和天然气钻井技术,自21世纪初以来,它在美国经历了深刻的发展。这一繁荣为美国经济创造了奇迹,提供了大量廉价石油和天然气以及新的就业机会。然而,经济效益带来了相当大的环境风险,如空气污染和水污染。由于联邦政府在监管水力压裂方面的作用不确定,各州已着手管理这种做法。由于不满国家规定,许多地方政府通过了地方禁令和暂停令,以保护其社区免受环境和公共健康危害。但各州以及石油和天然气利益集团的回应是,他们提起诉讼,试图使当地的水力压裂限制无效,因为这与州法律不符。这些先发制人的努力最近在科罗拉多州取得了成功,州最高法院推翻了朗蒙特市的水力压裂禁令和科林斯堡市的五年暂停令。值得注意的是,法院将科罗拉多州的水力压裂限制措施与宾夕法尼亚州当地限制措施的成功进行了对比。宾夕法尼亚州罗宾逊镇成功地辩称,宾夕法尼亚州为公众保护自然资源的义务取代了州政府禁止当地禁止水力压裂的努力。科罗拉多州最高法院表示,《科罗拉多州宪法》或《科罗拉多州普通法》中不存在这样的州对公众的义务。然而,这就引出了一个问题,即国家保护水资源的义务是否可以支持其他州地方政府阻碍水力压裂的努力。
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引用次数: 3
Union Neighbors United, Inc. v. Jewell: A Hard Look at Procedural Compliance under NEPA Union Neighbors United,股份有限公司诉Jewell:《国家环境政策法》程序合规性的审视
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-10-03 DOI: 10.15779/Z38959C765
Amy Collier
In August 2016, the D.C. Circuit held that the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS) met its obligations under the Endangered Species Act (ESA) but failed to comply with the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) when it issued an Incidental Take Permit (ITP) for the endangered Indiana bat.1 On the one hand, the D.C. Circuit concluded that FWS did not need to ensure that the proposed project’s minimization and mitigation efforts were “the maximum that can be practically implemented” in order to satisfy the ESA.2 On the other hand, the D.C. Circuit held that FWS violated NEPA by failing to consider a reasonable range of alternatives.3 This ruling breathes “new life”4 into the procedural force and requirements of NEPA, suggesting that courts may insist on greater consistency between an agency’s stated goals for a project and the process by which the agency analyzes alternatives. At the same time, because this particular project posed a threat to an endangered species, the decision’s influence on future cases involving impacts of lesser significance is unclear. At the very least, however, Union Neighbors should spur agencies to take greater care in selecting an appropriate range of alternatives for future NEPA analyses when there are important statutory values implicated by the project’s impacts.
2016年8月,华盛顿特区巡回法院认为,美国鱼类和野生动物管理局(FWS)履行了《濒危物种法》(ESA)规定的义务,但在为濒危的印第安纳蝙蝠颁发附带捕获许可证(ITP)时,未能遵守《国家环境政策法》(NEPA)。1一方面,华盛顿特区巡回法院的结论是,FWS不需要确保拟议项目的最小化和缓解努力是“实际可行的最大努力”,以满足ESA的要求。2另一方面,华盛顿特区巡回法院认为,FWS没有考虑合理范围的替代方案,违反了《国家环境政策法》。3这项裁决为《国家环境法》的程序效力和要求注入了“新的活力”4,表明法院可能会坚持要求机构对项目的既定目标与机构分析替代方案的过程之间保持更大的一致性。同时,由于这一特定项目对濒危物种构成威胁,该决定对未来影响较小的案件的影响尚不清楚。然而,至少,当项目影响涉及重要的法定价值时,联邦邻居应该鼓励各机构更加谨慎地选择合适的替代方案,用于未来的《国家环境政策法》分析。
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引用次数: 1
Reversing Course in California: Moving CEQA Forward 逆转加州的路线:推动CEQA向前发展
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-10-03 DOI: 10.15779/Z38000007N
Giulia Gualco-Nelson
Today in California, urban infill development proliferates. A welcome alternative to decades of greenfield expansion, this infill boom is the culmination of regulatory incentives like SB 375, economic growth in urban areas, as well as increasing awareness of the climate evils of vehicle emissions (quantified in vehicle miles traveled, or VMT). The social, spatial, environmental, and economic effects of this infill boom are far-flung and implicate many areas of study. This Note focuses on the environmental health implications of siting infill development near increasingly trafficked transit corridors. By placing people in closer proximity to work and transit, infill development lowers VMT; however, this land-use pattern potentially exposes more people to fine particulate matter from vehicles. The California Air Resources Board and Air Quality Management Districts initially attempted to solve this exposure issue through the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA). Concerns about the suitability of CEQA to address these “reverse” environmental issues, perceived barriers that CEQA poses to infill development, and environmental health collided in California Building Industries Association v. Bay Area Air Quality Management District. Though seemingly contrary to decades of planning practices in California, the California Supreme Court’s decision offers a new way forward—a path planners and health officials in San Francisco began in 2008—that could potentially make urban infill easier to develop as well as healthier for residents.
今天,在加州,城市填充发展激增。这是几十年来绿地扩张的一个受欢迎的替代方案,这种填充热潮是sb375等监管激励措施的高潮,城市地区的经济增长,以及人们越来越意识到汽车排放对气候的危害(以车辆行驶里程或VMT为量化标准)。这种填埋热潮的社会、空间、环境和经济影响是广泛的,涉及许多研究领域。本说明的重点是在日益繁忙的过境走廊附近选址填埋开发对环境健康的影响。通过将人们安置在更靠近工作和交通的地方,填充开发降低了VMT;然而,这种土地利用模式可能会使更多的人暴露在车辆排放的细颗粒物中。加州空气资源委员会和空气质量管理区最初试图通过《加州环境质量法》(CEQA)来解决这一问题。在加州建筑工业协会诉湾区空气质量管理区案中,对CEQA是否适合解决这些“反向”环境问题的担忧、CEQA对填充开发构成的感知障碍以及环境健康发生了冲突。尽管加州最高法院的决定似乎与加州几十年来的规划实践相悖,但它提供了一条新的道路——旧金山的规划者和卫生官员于2008年开始走这条道路——这可能会使城市填充物更容易发展,同时对居民更健康。
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引用次数: 0
Pushing the Boundaries of the Public Trust on the Last Frontier: A Study in Why the Doctrine Should Not Apply to Wildlife 在最后的边界上推动公共信任的边界:为什么该原则不应适用于野生动物的研究
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-10-03 DOI: 10.15779/Z38KP7TR4T
T. Schumann
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引用次数: 0
Columbia River Tribal Housing: Federal Progress Addressing Long Unmet Obligations 哥伦比亚河部落住房:联邦在解决长期未履行的义务方面取得的进展
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-10-03 DOI: 10.15779/Z381R6N11Q
S. Phillips
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引用次数: 0
Foreword: Environmental Law and the Changing Data Paradigm 前言:环境法与不断变化的数据范式
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-05-24 DOI: 10.15779/Z38MP4VN4X
J. Diamond
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引用次数: 0
Science, Policy, and Data-Driven Decisions in a Data Vacuum 数据真空中的科学、政策和数据驱动决策
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-05-24 DOI: 10.15779/Z38GX44V0M
R. Kelly, P. Levin, Kai N. Lee
Environmental regulation invariably requires making decisions in the face of scientific uncertainty. However, making decisions in the near-absence of evidence—essentially, the most extreme uncertainty—is a special case because it most plainly exposes the defaults and preferences of those making the decisions, and because it may inspire creative ways of reducing the probability of error. Here, we relate the case of an Endangered Species Act listing of several rockfish species in Puget Sound, Washington, which illustrates a set of decisions the National Marine Fisheries Service made in the absence of critical information about those populations. Subsequent scientific effort and technological advances have been powerful tests of the listing decision, and have suggested different outcomes for each of the three species under evaluation. We discuss this case in the context of agency discretion and internal incentives to make or defer decisions. We then highlight the roles of technological change and institutional learning as they intersect with these incentives, and suggest structural means of enabling this kind of effective data use by administrative agencies more generally.
环境法规总是要求在科学不确定的情况下做出决定。然而,在几乎没有证据的情况下做出决定——本质上是最极端的不确定性——是一种特殊情况,因为它最清楚地暴露了决策者的默认和偏好,因为它可能激发创造性的方法来减少错误的可能性。在这里,我们将华盛顿普吉特海湾的几种岩鱼列入濒危物种法案,这说明了国家海洋渔业局在缺乏有关这些种群的关键信息的情况下做出的一系列决定。随后的科学努力和技术进步对列入名单的决定进行了有力的检验,并对正在评估的三种物种提出了不同的结果。我们在代理自由裁量权和做出或推迟决定的内部激励的背景下讨论这个案例。然后,我们强调了技术变革和制度学习的作用,因为它们与这些激励因素相交叉,并提出了使行政机构更普遍地有效使用这种数据的结构性方法。
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引用次数: 7
Trade Treaties, Citizen Submissions, and Environmental Justice 贸易条约、公民意见书和环境正义
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-05-13 DOI: 10.15779/Z387D2Q72N
Jeff Todd
The history of the U.S. environmental justice movement reveals that successful campaigns are seldom waged solely through litigation. Instead, communities have employed litigation and administrative actions as part of a broader grassroots struggle to achieve shortand long-term change. Even when not successful on the merits, such actions can facilitate both informationgathering and information-dissemination, with the accompanying public scrutiny providing an increased incentive to reform agency or corporate behavior. Latin American communities seeking environmental justice face similar, and often greater, obstacles in pursuing claims through the courts. Transnational corporations, operating under U.S. trade and investment treaties like the North American Free Trade Agreement, can take advantage of ineffective environmental protection regimes in Latin American countries and generally escape liability in U.S. courts as well. Yet these trade treaties also include a citizen submission on enforcement matters process, where citizens can spotlight environmental violations and force an oversight body to generate and publish an authoritative factual record. This Article assesses this citizen submissions process in the context of a holistic approach to environmental justice campaigns. Drawing on parallels from the U.S. movement, the Article highlights how the citizen submissions process can validate data gathered by the community, facilitate generation of new information, publicize that information to a much wider audience, and provide a meaningful rallying point for community organizing. The Article concludes that, while the factual record itself holds limited value as a standalone remedy, the informational aspects of the process nonetheless can be an effective compliance-promoting tool in a broader environmental justice campaign.
美国环境正义运动的历史表明,成功的运动很少仅仅通过诉讼进行。相反,社区利用诉讼和行政行动作为更广泛的基层斗争的一部分,以实现短期和长期的变革。即使在实质上不成功的情况下,这种行动也可以促进信息收集和信息传播,伴随而来的公众监督为改革机构或公司行为提供了更多的激励。寻求环境正义的拉丁美洲社区在通过法院提起诉讼时面临着类似的、往往更大的障碍。根据《北美自由贸易协定》等美国贸易和投资条约经营的跨国公司可以利用拉丁美洲国家无效的环境保护制度,通常也可以逃避美国法院的责任。然而,这些贸易条约还包括公民提交的执法事项程序,公民可以在该程序中关注环境违法行为,并迫使监督机构生成和公布权威的事实记录。本条在环境正义运动的整体方法的背景下评估了公民提交过程。这篇文章借鉴了美国运动的相似之处,强调了公民提交过程如何验证社区收集的数据,促进新信息的生成,向更广泛的受众宣传这些信息,并为社区组织提供一个有意义的集结点。该条的结论是,尽管事实记录本身作为一种独立的补救措施价值有限,但在更广泛的环境正义运动中,该过程的信息方面可以成为一种有效的合规促进工具。
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引用次数: 3
Explaining Environmental InformationDisclosure in China 解读中国的环境信息披露
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-04-22 DOI: 10.15779/Z386688J63
A. Wang
Author(s): Wang, Alex | Abstract: In recent years, China has adopted a range of measures for information disclosure or “open government information.” This comes as a surprise in an authoritarian system known more for secrecy and information control. Why do authoritarian leaders embrace such mechanisms, and how do state and society actors respond? This Article examines in particular the emergence of environmental information disclosure in China, and makes two main contributions to the scholarly debate on Chinese law and governance. First, this Article demonstrates how local demand for legal transplant can arise out of diverse (and sometimes competing) societal interests. State, society and international actors saw in information disclosure law a range of possibilities - the prospect of improved environmental performance, greater accountability to citizens, and strengthened state control. This interest convergence among strange bedfellows has enabled the seemingly paradoxical flowering of disclosure law in China. Second, this Article unpacks the social effects of information disclosure law in China’s authoritarian bureaucratic governance setting. Where interests are compatible in practice, disclosure has enabled state and society advocacy, and catalyzed new channels for public supervision in environmental regulation. It has also provided a powerful rights-based way for advocates to frame their actions. Yet for all its promise, information disclosure creates risks for those involved and reveals deep tensions in Chinese governance – between authoritarian and bottom-up approaches to rule, and the overarching policy objectives of social stability and performance. These tensions limit the utility of disclosure in practice, with serious potential consequences (e.g., weakened state legitimacy and a hobbled environment) for state and society actors alike.
作者:王,亚历克斯|摘要:近年来,中国采取了一系列信息披露或“公开政府信息”的措施。这在一个以保密和信息控制著称的威权体制中令人惊讶。为什么威权领导人会接受这样的机制,国家和社会行动者如何应对?本文特别考察了环境信息公开在中国的兴起,并对中国法律和治理的学术辩论做出了两个主要贡献。首先,这篇文章展示了当地对合法移植的需求是如何产生于不同的(有时是相互竞争的)社会利益的。国家、社会和国际行为者在信息披露法中看到了一系列可能性——改善环境绩效、加强对公民的问责以及加强国家控制的前景。这种同床异梦的人之间的利益趋同,使得中国的披露法看似自相矛盾。其次,本文揭示了信息披露法在中国专制官僚治理环境中的社会效应。在实践中利益相容的情况下,披露使国家和社会能够进行宣传,并促进了环境监管中公众监督的新渠道。它还为倡导者制定自己的行动提供了一种强有力的基于权利的方式。尽管如此,信息披露还是为相关人员带来了风险,并揭示了中国治理中的深层次紧张关系——威权主义和自下而上的治理方法,以及社会稳定和绩效的总体政策目标之间。这些紧张关系限制了披露在实践中的效用,给国家和社会行为者带来了严重的潜在后果(例如,国家合法性减弱和环境恶化)。
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引用次数: 43
Illegal Marijuana Cultivation on Public Lands: Our Federalism on a Very Bad Trip 在公共土地上非法种植大麻:我们的联邦制在一个非常糟糕的旅程
4区 社会学 Q4 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2017-03-28 DOI: 10.15779/Z38W669836
Hope M. Babcock
Fueled by increasing demand for marijuana, illegal cultivation of the drug on public lands is causing massive environmental harm. The federal government lacks the resources to wage what would be a difficult and costly campaign to eradicate these illegal grow sites and instead focuses its limited resources on enforcing the federal marijuana ban. Marijuana decriminalization might allow legally grown marijuana to squeeze out its illegal counterpart, but the political likelihood of decriminalization is low. The key is reducing demand for the illegal drug by changing public buying preferences. However, doing this depends on an available legal alternative. This Article discusses several behavioral modification approaches as a way of changing consumer preferences and possible ways to resolve the current conflict between state marijuana legalization and its federal criminalization.
由于对大麻的需求不断增加,在公共土地上非法种植大麻正在造成巨大的环境危害。联邦政府缺乏资源来开展一场艰难而昂贵的运动来根除这些非法种植场所,而是将有限的资源集中在执行联邦大麻禁令上。大麻合法化可能会让合法种植的大麻挤出非法大麻,但合法化的政治可能性很低。关键是通过改变公众的购买偏好来减少对非法毒品的需求。然而,这样做取决于可用的合法替代方案。本文讨论了几种行为矫正方法,作为改变消费者偏好的一种方式,以及解决当前州大麻合法化与联邦刑事定罪之间冲突的可能途径。
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引用次数: 1
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Ecology Law Quarterly
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