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The difference mafias make: a triadic model of organized crime in ethnic conflicts 黑手党的不同之处在于:种族冲突中有组织犯罪的三合一模式
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2031114
D. Mandić
ABSTRACT I propose a Simmelian triadic model of the interrelations between (1) host states, (2) separatist movements, and (3) organized crime. It formalizes three generalizable relational configurations: organized crime as (a) tertius gaudens, (b) mediator and (c) divisor et imperator, with operationalizable features defining the nature of each pair of relationships among the three agents. Using the paired case studies of the Serbia-Kosovo and Georgia-South Ossetia ethnic conflicts from 1989–2012, I illustrate the utility of the conceptual model in explaining divergences in separatist success. The model is argued to be superior to conventional and near-universal dyadic conceptualizations – overt or implicit.
我提出了一个Simmelian三合一模型来描述(1)东道国、(2)分离主义运动和(3)有组织犯罪之间的相互关系。它形式化了三种可推广的关系配置:有组织犯罪为(a)非主犯,(b)调解者和(c)除数和统治者,具有可操作的特征,定义了三种代理人之间每对关系的性质。通过对1989-2012年塞尔维亚-科索沃和格鲁吉亚-南奥塞梯种族冲突的配对案例研究,我说明了概念模型在解释分离主义成功差异方面的效用。该模型被认为优于传统的和接近普遍的二元概念-显性或隐性。
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引用次数: 0
Power and crime: a theoretical sketch 权力与犯罪:理论概要
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2031112
M. Haugaard
ABSTRACT The article contains a sociological theory of power and crime, demonstrating how crime is socially constructed, relative to power. It is argued that crime is socially constructed differently when power structures are either legitimate or illegitimate, and when power is either coercive or based on authority. Legitimacy has both a sociological and normative meaning, which are not the same. While the emphasis is sociological, the article also contains a normative theorization of crime, relative to political power. The normative aspect hinges on the distinction between dominating power, which is zero-sum, and enabling power, which is positive-sum.
本文包含了一个关于权力和犯罪的社会学理论,展示了犯罪是如何相对于权力进行社会建构的。有人认为,当权力结构是合法的或不合法的,以及当权力是强制性的或基于权威时,犯罪的社会结构是不同的。合法性既有社会学意义,也有规范意义,两者并不相同。虽然重点是社会学,但文章也包含了犯罪相对于政治权力的规范理论。规范性方面取决于支配性权力(零和)和使能性权力(正和)之间的区别。
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引用次数: 0
The varieties of paramilitaries paper present to Dublin zoom conference June 10, 2021 2021年6月10日在都柏林zoom会议上提交的各种准军事文件
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2033098
M. Mann
ABSTRACT This is a short commentary upon five articles. The main themes of these articles are the roles of paramilitaries in civil wars, focusing specifically on Colombia and the former Yugoslavia. While recommending the quality of the articles, this paper explores two lines of criticism. The first concerns the insufficient attention paid to ideological paramilitaries, who are significant for a number of reasons, including their remarkable resilience in combat. Second, while the papers discuss how paramilitaries fund themselves, the focus is solely upon the commanders. In understanding the paramilitary mobilization it is also important to understand how the rank-in-file support themselves.
这是对五篇文章的简短评论。这些文章的主题是准军事组织在内战中的作用,特别关注哥伦比亚和前南斯拉夫。在推荐文章质量的同时,本文探讨了两条批评路线。第一个问题是对意识形态准军事组织的重视不够,他们之所以重要,有许多原因,包括他们在战斗中具有非凡的韧性。其次,虽然这些文件讨论准军事组织是如何筹措资金的,但重点只放在指挥官身上。在理解准军事动员的过程中,理解普通官兵如何支持自己也是很重要的。
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引用次数: 0
The criminalization of politics, the politics of criminalization and their paradoxes 政治的刑事化、刑事化的政治及其悖论
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2033099
C. Olsson
ABSTRACT The notion of the criminalization of the state is paradoxical. On the one hand, the idea that ‘absolute power corrupts absolutely’ might shed light on the potentially criminal behaviour of state-officials. On the other, the assumption that legal rules are general and anonymous, that they apply identically to everybody (and that allows defining these elites as criminals), is in its contemporary form linked to the bureaucratic rule of the state itself. In this commentary on the contributions to this special issue, I address this and other paradoxes of the state with regard to the relation between politics and criminality.
国家刑事定罪的概念是自相矛盾的。一方面,“绝对权力绝对腐败”的观点可能会揭示国家官员的潜在犯罪行为。另一方面,法律规则是通用的和匿名的,它们同样适用于每个人(并允许将这些精英定义为罪犯),这一假设在当代形式上与国家本身的官僚统治有关。在这篇关于对这一特殊问题的贡献的评论中,我谈到了国家在政治和犯罪之间关系方面的这一矛盾和其他矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
Crime, violence, and coercive power 犯罪、暴力和强制权力
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2033097
S. Malešević
ABSTRACT Social scientists regularly differentiate sharply between crime and political violence. They often argue that unlike the political forms of violence such as wars, terrorism, or revolutions the criminal acts of violence lack clearly defined ideological aims. In this short contribution, I reflect on the special issue articles which all successfully challenge this dichotomy. Furthermore, I expand on these arguments to emphasize the centrality of coercive power in the development and legitimation of social orders throughout history.
社会科学家经常将犯罪和政治暴力区别开来。他们经常辩称,与战争、恐怖主义或革命等政治形式的暴力不同,暴力犯罪行为缺乏明确的意识形态目标。在这篇简短的文章中,我回顾了特刊文章,它们都成功地挑战了这种二分法。此外,我扩展了这些论点,以强调强制权力在整个历史上社会秩序的发展和合法化中的中心地位。
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引用次数: 0
Colombian state reactions to peace: the legacies of the narcoguerrilla-narcoterrorist discourses 哥伦比亚国家对和平的反应:毒品恐怖主义话语的遗产
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2031113
Diana Ximena Machuca Pérez
ABSTRACT For years, the Colombian state maintained its position about how the guerrillas’ involvement with drug trafficking has made them lose their political and/or ideological nature. Political and military sectors supported this approach and used the term narco-guerrilla or narco-terrorists. The peace process initiated in 2012 during the Santos administration seemed to alter this narrative. This article analyzes how Colombia’s peace process had a contradictory effect on the ‘narco-terrorist’ characterization of the FARC-EP: it opened windows of opportunity both for more peace-prone discourses and for an even more virulent version of the criminalization of the guerrillas.
摘要多年来,哥伦比亚政府一直坚持游击队参与贩毒使其失去政治和/或意识形态性质的立场。政治和军事部门支持这种做法,并使用了毒品游击队或毒品恐怖分子一词。2012年桑托斯政府时期启动的和平进程似乎改变了这种说法。本文分析了哥伦比亚的和平进程如何对哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民军的“毒品恐怖分子”定性产生矛盾影响:它为更倾向于和平的言论和更恶毒的游击队定罪打开了机会之窗。
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引用次数: 0
Levantados de la Selva. Vidas y Legitimidades en los Territorios Cocaleros [Raised from the jungle: lives and legitimacies in the coca-growing territories] Levantados de la Selva。Vidas y Legitimidades en los Territorios Cocaleros[从丛林中成长:古柯种植区的生活与合法性]
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2033103
Jenniffer Vargas Reina
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引用次数: 0
Indirect rule, intra-systemic actors and impasses: a review 间接规则、系统内行为者和僵局:回顾
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2033101
José A. Gutiérrez Danton
Paramilitarism in Colombia has a very specific meaning: we are referring to counterinsurgent groups, which typically have an openly right-wing and conservative agenda, often operating with the tolerance, if not the collusion, sectors of the State. It has been a massive phenomenon in Colombia: in 2005 some 30,000 members of the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC -United Self-Defences of Colombia) demobilised. Though there is still debate over how many of those were real combatants, still it is a massive figure particularly for a country that already has around 500,000 men in its armed forces and police. As such, Colombian paramilitarism has been subject to much academic interest for a long time, as expressed in an ever-growing academic and grey literature on the subject (see for example, Grajales 2011, Grajales 2013, 2017, Medina 1990, Medina and Téllez 1994, HRW 2001, Duncan 2006, Piccoli 2008, Hristov 2009, 2014, López and Ávila 2010, Zelik 2015). Why another book on this matter then? The book of Gutiérrez-Sanín stands aside on a number of grounds that make it not only worth reading to anybody interested in the Colombian conflict, but also, in my humble opinion, the finest addition to date to this literature.
哥伦比亚的准军事主义有一个非常具体的含义:我们指的是反叛乱集团,这些集团通常有公开的右翼和保守的议程,经常在国家部门的容忍,如果不是勾结下运作。这在哥伦比亚是一个巨大的现象:2005年,大约有30,000名哥伦比亚联合自卫军(AUC)成员遣散。尽管关于其中有多少是真正的战斗人员仍有争议,但这仍然是一个巨大的数字,特别是对于一个已经拥有大约50万武装部队和警察的国家来说。因此,哥伦比亚准军事主义长期以来一直受到学术界的关注,正如关于该主题的越来越多的学术和灰色文献所表达的那样(例如,Grajales 2011年,Grajales 2013年,2017年,Medina 1990年,Medina和t莱兹1994年,HRW 2001年,Duncan 2006年,Piccoli 2008年,Hristov 2009年,2014年,López和Ávila 2010年,Zelik 2015年)。那为什么还要写一本关于这个问题的书呢?这本书的Gutiérrez-Sanín站在了一些理由之外,使它不仅值得任何对哥伦比亚冲突感兴趣的人阅读,而且在我的拙见中,它也是迄今为止这类文献中最好的补充。
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引用次数: 0
Illicit economies and political opportunity. the case of the Colombian paramilitaries (1982-2007) 非法经济和政治机会。哥伦比亚准军事人员案件(1982-2007)
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2031110
Francisco Gutiérrez-Sanín
ABSTRACT There is an ambiguous and complex role of narcotrafficking and illicit economies in the growth of the paramilitary political power and influence. As argued in this paper, there are four mechanisms through which criminal involvement politicized paramilitaries: escalation, extension, regulation, and intermediation. These mechanisms gave them the opportunity to decisively broaden their constituencies, legitimize their activity, network with clientelistic actors from a position of force, and significantly broaden their inroads. Nonetheless, as discussed in the paper, the paramilitaries got trapped by the coalitional mismatch between the two global wars that were being waged in Colombia: counterinsurgent and war on drugs.
摘要贩毒和非法经济在准军事政治权力和影响力的增长中扮演着一个模糊而复杂的角色。正如本文所述,犯罪参与使准军事组织政治化有四种机制:升级、扩展、监管和中介。这些机制使他们有机会果断地扩大其选民范围,使其活动合法化,与处于武力地位的客户行为者建立联系,并大幅扩大其影响力。尽管如此,正如论文中所讨论的那样,准军事组织被哥伦比亚正在进行的两场全球战争之间的联盟不匹配所困住:反叛乱和禁毒战争。
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引用次数: 2
Tillyian process without a Tillyian effect: criminalised economies and state-building in the Colombian conflict 没有蒂勒伊效应的蒂勒伊进程:哥伦比亚冲突中的犯罪经济和国家建设
IF 2.1 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2158379X.2022.2031109
J. Gutiérrez, Estefanía Ciro
ABSTRACT Illegal economies have received substantial attention in conflict studies over the past decades. Often, this attention is linked to economicist paradigms, rendering invisible the political processes linking conflict and illegal economies. By discussing the Colombian case, we argue that criminalisation is linked to patterns of capital accumulation and State-building. First, it reflects a long-term conflict of Proudhonian overtones between small-scale producers and big capital; secondly, it reflects a Tillyian process but without a Tillyian effect. Thus, the interaction between capital accumulation, political power and warfare takes place, without the expected result of a centralised and efficient, democratic State.
在过去的几十年里,非法经济在冲突研究中受到了极大的关注。这种关注往往与经济主义范式联系在一起,使冲突与非法经济之间的政治进程变得不可见。通过讨论哥伦比亚的案件,我们认为刑事定罪与资本积累和国家建设模式有关。首先,它反映了小规模生产商和大资本之间的普劳德色彩的长期冲突;第二,它反映了蒂勒过程,但没有蒂勒效应。因此,资本积累、政治权力和战争之间的互动发生了,而没有一个集中高效的民主国家的预期结果。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Political Power
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