Asian Journal of Social Science最新文献

This paper examines the emergence and development of mixed-race categories in South Korea in the context of the shift in the state's governing practices from the postwar period to the present. In particular, “mixed-race” serves as a conceptual framework for tracing the formation of Korea's racial state with respect to the distinct categories of Amerasians and the children of multicultural families. Drawing on theoretical approaches to racism, racial state, and biopower, I examine the treatment of mixed-race individuals in the regulation of the Korean population since the middle of the previous century. I document a shift in the subject-positions of these individuals from the status of homo sacer to that of homo economicus, each of which is associated with distinct modes of racism. The findings presented here have implications for critical mixed-race studies in Korea and East Asia more broadly and for expanding the understanding of the nexus of race, state, and power.

This study investigated the ways in which two religious organizations in Indonesia govern female bodies; specifically focusing on the construction of ideal Muslim womanhood through hijab practice. This mixed-method study combines partial least squares path modelling (PLS-path modelling), ethnographic research during fieldwork, and content analysis of social media accounts. The quantitative analysis revealed that among members of Muslimat, involvement with the religious organization and subjective norms exerted a stronger influence on sharia compliance regarding hijab practices than among members of ‘Aisyiyah. Content analysis revealed that Muslimat prefers unified and monotonous hijab styles, while ‘Aisyiyah permits more colours and patterns. While both organizations tend to avoid presenting female sexualities, ‘Aisyiyah favours long and wide hijab, thus more strongly regulating the presentation of female sexualities. This research reveals the dynamics of religious organizations’ governing hegemony, highlighting the increasing influence of religion in the construction of ideal Muslim womanhood in Indonesian society.

This paper examines whether the Indian government used the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) to counter the radical mobilization of rural poor by the Maoist Naxalite movement. Employing an original district-level dataset from 2006 to 2014 and the GLOCON database on political events, it adopts a quasi-experimental method to analyze the strategy's effectiveness. The findings suggest that the government targeted districts with higher rural mobilization using NREGA as a counter-insurgency tool. However, the Naxalites effectively countered this strategy. Analysis of journals from the factions Liberation and People's March shows that the Naxalites actively claimed benefits under NREGA, transforming it from a containment tool to a governmental concession. This study concludes that the government's strategy was unsuccessful due to the effective counter-strategy by the Naxalites.

Based on field research in the remote and tribal-dominated Kandhamal district in the eastern Indian state of Odisha during 2019-20, the study examines the extent to which Constitutionally-created rural self-governance institutions (village Panchayats) fulfilled their mandated healthcare functions. Primary data was collected from villagers, front-line public health officials, elected local government (Panchayat) members and party cadres through focus group discussions and interviews. Employing the Foucauldian governmentality framework, the analysis moves away from a depoliticized understanding of decentralized delivery of rural health. The study concludes that Panchayats’ contributions to rural health are influenced by politically motivated factors, which may not be compatible with considerations of democracy and efficiency. Panchayat performance in the study villages remained poor as the state allowed them only regulated freedom and did not create space for their autonomy to flourish. Rural health decentralization led to new forms of governmentality as Panchayats were instrumentally used to consolidate state power at the rural grassroots. Top-down management of political process in these areas makes local government mechanical outpost of the ruling party.