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Book Review: Memories of Tiananmen: Politics and Processes of Collective Remembering in Hong Kong, 1989–2019 by Francis L. F. Lee and Joseph M. Chan 书评:《天安门的记忆:1989-2019年香港集体记忆的政治与过程》，作者:李宗盛和陈若夫

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221130402b

J. Béja

ing the conduct of their American allies. Wang frames his book as follows: ‘The relationship between the United States and China from 1953 to 1956 was characterized by U.S. efforts to contain China and Beijing’s struggles to break the containment’ (p. 203). In his telling, New China was responding to a belligerent United States imperial power. But one could just as easily, and with equal justification, reverse his formula, and postulate that China, a revolutionary communist state bent on transforming the existing order, provoked responses from the United States which, although undoubtedly hostile to the PRC, was constructing defensive alliances against the very real efforts of the PRC to support communist revolutions elsewhere in Asia through subversion, united front policies, and armed insurrection. The period 1953–6, characterized by China’s peace offensive, was an aberration in the diplomacy of the Maoist era, as Wang himself recognizes. In 1957, Mao installed the abrasive Chen Yi as foreign minister, replacing Zhou Enlai, as China turned from pragmatic to radical diplomacy. In sum, Wang Tao’s book, developed from a doctoral dissertation in history, is an impressive debut work by a gifted scholar. Isolating the Enemy both presents a thoughtprovoking thesis and fills in fascinating details of the early Cold War, a formative period in Sino-American relations, the echoes of which still reverberate to this day in the context of enhanced rivalry between Beijing andWashington seven decades later. It is a book that merits close reading by diplomatic historians and students of US–East Asian international relations.

他们的美国盟友的行为。王这样描述他的书:“1953年至1956年中美关系的特点是美国努力遏制中国，而北京努力打破这种遏制”(第203页)。按照他的说法，新中国是在回应一个好战的美国帝国强权。但是，人们也可以同样容易地，以同样的理由，推翻他的公式，并假设中国，一个革命的共产主义国家一决心改变现有秩序，挑起美国的反应，尽管毫无疑问对中华人民共和国怀有敌意，但正在建立防御联盟，反对中华人民共和国通过颠覆、统一战线政策和武装叛乱来支持亚洲其他地方的共产主义革命的真正努力。1953年至1953年期间，以中国的和平攻势为特征，是毛时代外交的一个失常，王自己也承认这一点。1957年，随着中国外交从务实转向激进，毛任命粗暴的陈毅取代周恩来担任外交部长。总而言之，王涛的这本从历史博士论文发展而来的书，是一位天才学者令人印象深刻的处女作。《孤立敌人》不仅提出了一个发人深思的论题，而且填补了冷战早期的引人入胜的细节，这是中美关系的形成时期，在70年后的今天，它的回响仍然在北京和华盛顿之间加剧竞争的背景下回响。这本书值得外交史家和研究美国-东亚国际关系的学者仔细阅读。

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引用次数: 0

Corrigendum to Book Review: Dictatorship by Degrees: Xi Jinping in China by Steven P. Feldman

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1177/0920203x221130404

引用次数: 1

Book Review: Isolating the Enemy: Diplomatic Strategy in China and the United States, 1953–1956 by Tao Wang 书评：《孤立敌人：中美外交战略，1953-1956》，陶望著

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1177/0920203x221130402a

S. Levine

引用次数: 0

Book Review: The Art of Useless: Fashion, Media, and Consumer Culture in Contemporary China by Calvin Hui 书评:《无用的艺术:当代中国的时尚、媒体与消费文化》，许嘉文著

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221130402e

Sara Liao

引用次数: 0

Transnational labour contractor regime in the China–Myanmar borderland: Mitigating hyper-precarity in the sugar cane cutting industry 中缅边境的跨国劳务承包制度:减轻甘蔗采伐业的极度不稳定

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221126847

Yueping Wang, Tianlong You, Tian Yang

We investigate the labour regime of an agricultural sector in the China–Myanmar borderland. The extant literature on labour generally stresses the hyper-precarity of workers, especially migrant workers. Our case study of the sugar cane cutting industry in Dragon Village, Yunnan Province, suggests that contractors who hire workers from Myanmar are also in a state of hyper-precarity which is shaped by multiple layers of socio-economic and politico-institutional circumstances. We develop an analytic framework for investigating transnational labour contractor regimes, which highlights the strategies jointly adopted by contractors and workers to mitigate the hyper-precarity within which both parties are embedded. We find that contractors are in a hyper-precarious position due to limited micro-level transnational social networks to meet outpaced labour demand, unfavourable meso-level market conditions, and macro-level politico-institutional factors such as the added responsibilities of immigration management, a fast-evolving legal system, and military coups. We also find that contractors adopt strategies to control both workers’ labour process and everyday life, while workers use some counterstrategies to regain agency. Together, they stabilize the labour force for this industry despite their shared hyper-precarity.

我们调查了中缅边境农业部门的劳动制度。现存的关于劳工的文献一般都强调工人，尤其是移民工人的极度不稳定。我们对云南省龙村甘蔗采伐业的案例研究表明，从缅甸雇佣工人的承包商也处于一种高度不稳定的状态，这是由多层次的社会经济和政治制度环境造成的。我们开发了一个用于调查跨国劳务承包商制度的分析框架，该框架强调了承包商和工人共同采取的战略，以减轻双方所处的高度不稳定性。我们发现，由于微观层面的跨国社会网络有限，无法满足超过速度的劳动力需求，不利的中观市场条件，以及宏观层面的政治制度因素，如移民管理的额外责任，快速发展的法律体系和军事政变，承包商处于极度不稳定的境地。我们还发现，承包商采取策略来控制工人的劳动过程和日常生活，而工人则使用一些反策略来重新获得代理权。他们一起稳定了这个行业的劳动力，尽管他们都极度不稳定。

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引用次数: 0

Mediation and grassroots policing in China: Conflict resolution or social control? 调解与中国基层警务：冲突解决还是社会控制？

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221121716

Lingxiao Zhou

This article examines the practices of mediation that have become increasingly common in contemporary grassroots governance in China. The analysis focuses on the mode of governmentality embodied in the discourse on the ‘Fengqiao model’, which supplies a framework for hierarchizing and managing social conflict with the goal of keeping instability at bay. Based on 10 months of ethnographical research in various political-legal organizations within a single county, I found a grassroots governance apparatus that positions a recently invented institution – the Social Governance Centre – as the core organizational locus for coordinating a broadly distributed collection of daily operations aimed at preserving social stability. Analytically, I provide ideal-typical characterizations of three distinct conflict types – ordinary, abnormal, and tricky – to describe the discretionary decision-making by which local party-state operatives perceive and react to social conflicts based on their implications for the value of social stability. Drawn from conversations in the ethnographic literature on policing, this study of street-level mediation contributes to our understanding of how social conflict is rendered policeable, and it provides a case study of the use of mediation as a mode of police work in an authoritarian context.

本文考察了在当代中国基层治理中日益普遍的调解实践。分析的重点是“凤桥模式”话语中体现的治理模式，该模式提供了一个框架，用于分级和管理社会冲突，目标是保持不稳定。基于对一个国家内各种政法组织的10个月的民族志研究，我发现了一个基层治理机构，它将一个新发明的机构——社会治理中心——定位为协调广泛分布的日常行动的核心组织场所，旨在维护社会稳定。分析上，我提供了三种截然不同的冲突类型——普通、异常和棘手——的理想典型特征，以描述地方党国特工根据其对社会稳定价值的影响来感知和应对社会冲突的自由裁量决策。从民族志文献中关于警务的对话中，这项关于街头调解的研究有助于我们理解社会冲突是如何变得可警务的，它提供了一个在威权背景下使用调解作为警察工作模式的案例研究。

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引用次数: 0

Mobility–ethnicity nexus in the China–North Korea borderland of Yanbian: Migration infrastructure and multi-directional flows 延边中朝边境地区的流动性-种族关系：移民基础设施和多向流动

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221118201

Shiwei Chen

Chinese nationals who are classified as belonging to the Korean ethnic minority have become increasingly mobile since the 1980s in the China–North Korea borderland. Korean ethnicity plays a significant role in facilitating migration. This article unpacks the mobility–ethnicity nexus through the theoretical lens of ‘migration infrastructure’. To investigate how the borderland residents became mobile subjects as well as the processes intertwined with Korean ethnicity, the ensemble of technologies, institutions, and actors through which migration is reproduced and mediated are examined. Drawing on a multi-sited ethnographic study focusing on a rural community, this research analyses the multi-directional flows between the village, urban regions in China, and the two Koreas. Included are discussions on the changing state policies and regulations, diplomatic relationships between China and the two Koreas, growing migrant networks, brokers, family members, humanitarian organizations and other intermediaries that jointly organize and mediate mobilities, and the processes that are usually linked to evoking and redefining ‘Korean’ as an ethnic category. Ethnicity-mediated migration infrastructure enables villagers to move, but throughout the move they are continuously perceived as ethnically Korean. Mobility-sustained ethnicity calls for research to look at how ethnic categories gradually become relevant in everyday life, and ultimately institutionalized as people move between places.

自20世纪80年代以来，被归类为朝鲜少数民族的中国公民在中朝边境地区的流动性越来越大。朝鲜族在促进移民方面发挥着重要作用。本文通过“移民基础设施”的理论视角揭示了流动性与种族之间的关系。为了调查边境地区居民是如何成为流动主体的，以及与朝鲜民族交织在一起的过程，研究了复制和调解移民的技术、制度和行为者的组合。本研究以农村社区为研究对象，采用多点民族学研究方法，分析了中国农村、城市和朝韩之间的多向流动。其中包括关于不断变化的国家政策和法规、中朝外交关系、不断发展的移民网络、经纪人、家庭成员、人道主义组织和其他共同组织和调解动员的中介机构的讨论，以及通常与唤起和重新定义“朝鲜人”作为一个民族类别有关的过程。以种族为中介的移民基础设施使村民能够迁移，但在整个迁移过程中，他们一直被视为朝鲜族。流动性持续的种族需要研究种族类别如何在日常生活中逐渐变得相关，并最终随着人们在不同地方之间的流动而制度化。

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引用次数: 0

The avant-gardism of socially engaged art in contemporary China: Aestheticizing everyday lives at the Yangdeng Art Cooperatives 当代中国社会参与艺术的先锋主义——杨登艺术合作社日常生活的审美化

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-07-06 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X221109403

Yanhua Zhou

This article sheds light on the place of avant-gardism in socially engaged art and how it is reformulated in practice, through critically examining the art practices of the Yangdeng Art Cooperatives, a socially engaged art project in a rural area of Southwest China, where artists create various collaborative artworks and site-specific projects with the local people. I argue that the project contributes to an avant-garde mode of socially engaged art through aestheticizing the ordinariness of the everyday. I term this process ‘ordinary aesthetics’. This term demonstrates potential connections in our everyday lives and redefines the relationship between aesthetics and politics by regarding aesthetics as a perceivable sensate and a distribution of the sensible. In aiming to promote the ordinary, artists engage in local residents’ everyday lives by transforming their ordinary objects, spaces, and incidents into works of art. It is art that makes their ordinariness extraordinary. Technically, the artists blur the boundary between the real and the fictional to aestheticize the everyday lives of local residents. In their practices, ordinary aesthetics consequently becomes a means to rediscover the avant-gardism of socially engaged art.

本文通过批判性地考察杨灯艺术合作社的艺术实践，揭示了先锋主义在社会参与艺术中的地位，以及它是如何在实践中重新形成的。杨灯艺术社是中国西南农村的一个社会参与艺术项目，艺术家们在那里与当地人一起创作各种合作艺术品和特定地点的项目。我认为，该项目通过审美化日常生活的平凡性，为社会参与艺术的先锋模式做出了贡献。我把这个过程称为“普通美学”。这个术语展示了我们日常生活中的潜在联系，并通过将美学视为可感知的感觉和可感知的分布来重新定义美学与政治之间的关系。为了促进普通，艺术家们通过将普通的物体、空间和事件转化为艺术作品来参与当地居民的日常生活。正是艺术使他们的平凡变得非凡。从技术上讲，艺术家们模糊了真实和虚构之间的界限，以美化当地居民的日常生活。在他们的实践中，普通美学因此成为重新发现社会参与艺术的先锋主义的一种手段。

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引用次数: 0

Negotiating identity by transnational Chinese students during COVID-19. 新冠肺炎期间跨国中国学生的身份认同谈判

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211065013

Avital Binah-Pollak, Shiran Yuan

For some years now, there has been an increase in the number of Chinese students travelling abroad to pursue higher education. The outbreak of COVID-19 has created new challenges for international students around the world. Based on an analysis of online forums during the pandemic (January-July 2020), we focus on the challenges Chinese transnational students have been facing. From the state's point of view, being at the front of China's internationalization progress, the students are expected to have both a 'vision of globalization' () as well as a deep 'Chinese feeling' (). However, in practice during the pandemic, the students found it extremely difficult to achieve a balance between their multiple identities. In this article, we argue that discrepancies between the students' identities may be due to the pandemic having highlighted several existing conflicts that have so far received only meagre attention or were even overlooked.

几年来，出国接受高等教育的中国学生人数一直在增加。新冠肺炎的爆发给世界各地的国际学生带来了新的挑战。基于对疫情期间（2020年1月至7月）在线论坛的分析，我们重点关注中国跨国学生面临的挑战。从国家的角度来看，站在中国国际化进程的前沿，学生们应该既有“全球化视野”(国际化视野) 以及深深的“中国情结”(中国情怀). 然而，在疫情期间的实践中，学生们发现很难在多重身份之间取得平衡。在这篇文章中，我们认为，学生身份之间的差异可能是由于疫情凸显了一些现有的冲突，而这些冲突迄今为止只得到了很少的关注，甚至被忽视了。

引用次数: 0

Digital activism and collective mourning by Chinese netizens during COVID-19. COVID-19 期间中国网民的数字行动主义和集体哀悼。

IF 2.3 3区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

China Information

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/0920203X211054172

Xun Cao, Runxi Zeng, Richard Evans

This study examines the discursive practice of mourning and commenting by netizens on the final social media post made by Dr Li Wenliang, regarding it as a form of political participation and competitive discursive politics enacted in cyberspace. Discourse theory is applied to conduct discourse analysis on 4000 comments. We identified two strategies that netizens used to establish an alternative space for discourse. The first involved hidden protests expressed through multi-semantic mourning, avoiding suppression by indirectly challenging official authorities. Second, through engagement with microblogs, netizens applied personalized narratives to form a collective memory and a counter-memory space that departed from the official normative narrative. Discursive activities enacted by netizens stimulated the political agenda of resilient adjustment on the part of the authorities, leading the government to accept and incorporate public demands into policies through strategic rectification. These findings help to better understand the significant power of disorganized connective action that is reliant on affective citizens and the further development of regime resilience on the part of the Chinese political system in response to digital activities.

本研究探讨了网民对李文亮博士在社交媒体上发表的最后一篇文章进行悼念和评论的话语实践，将其视为网络空间中的一种政治参与形式和竞争性话语政治。我们运用话语理论对 4000 条评论进行了话语分析。我们发现了网民用来建立另类话语空间的两种策略。第一种是通过多语义哀悼表达隐性抗议，通过间接挑战官方权威来避免压制。其次，通过参与微博，网民运用个性化叙事形成集体记忆和反记忆空间，与官方的规范叙事相背离。网民开展的话语活动激发了政府当局进行弹性调整的政治议程，促使政府接受公众诉求，并通过战略整改将其纳入政策。这些发现有助于更好地理解依赖于情感性公民的无组织联结行动的巨大力量，以及中国政治体系在应对数字活动时进一步发展的制度复原力。

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