Several recent proposals hold that CP complements appear rightmost in many languages by a two-step leftward movement process: first the CP moves leftward, and then a remnant phrase carries all other material to the left of that moved position. I show here that this analysis faces insurmountable problems. In contrast, a simple rightward movement analysis explains all the facts. Importantly, if binding is computed on the basis of precede-and-command rather than c-command (Bruening 2014), the rightward movement analysis accounts for all binding facts. The remnant movement analysis fails to account for binding, since apparent rightward movement does not pattern with clear cases of remnant movement like partial VP fronting. Furthermore, there is a leftward-rightward asymmetry in syntactic category when CPs undergo movement. I show that it is difficult to capture this in a theory that only has leftward movement. I also address preposition stranding in English, which Moulton (2015) presents as an argument for the leftward movement analysis. The results of a large-scale survey reveal that there is actually significant speaker variability in whether prepositions can be stranded when CPs move to the right. I spell out a non-grammatical account of this variability within the rightward movement analysis. The overall conclusion is that rightward movement is not effected by a two-step leftward movement process, and we need a theory of grammar that allows movement upward and to the right.
{"title":"CPs Move Rightward, Not Leftward","authors":"Benjamin Bruening","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12164","url":null,"abstract":"Several recent proposals hold that CP complements appear rightmost in many languages by a two-step leftward movement process: first the CP moves leftward, and then a remnant phrase carries all other material to the left of that moved position. I show here that this analysis faces insurmountable problems. In contrast, a simple rightward movement analysis explains all the facts. Importantly, if binding is computed on the basis of precede-and-command rather than c-command (Bruening 2014), the rightward movement analysis accounts for all binding facts. The remnant movement analysis fails to account for binding, since apparent rightward movement does not pattern with clear cases of remnant movement like partial VP fronting. Furthermore, there is a leftward-rightward asymmetry in syntactic category when CPs undergo movement. I show that it is difficult to capture this in a theory that only has leftward movement. I also address preposition stranding in English, which Moulton (2015) presents as an argument for the leftward movement analysis. The results of a large-scale survey reveal that there is actually significant speaker variability in whether prepositions can be stranded when CPs move to the right. I spell out a non-grammatical account of this variability within the rightward movement analysis. The overall conclusion is that rightward movement is not effected by a two-step leftward movement process, and we need a theory of grammar that allows movement upward and to the right.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12164","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42880284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bare (determiner-less) singular NPs in Brazilian Portuguese have been variously analyzed as indefinite terms, as kind terms, or as ambiguous between the two. It has furthermore been noted (Schmitt and Munn 1999, and subsequent literature) that bare singulars, unlike bare plurals, are degraded in the preverbal subject position of episodic sentences, but that their acceptability is improved when they are embedded inside a list. We conducted an experimental study examining the effect of NP type, syntactic position and list context on the acceptability of bare NPs in Brazilian Portuguese. Our results indicate that the low acceptability of bare singulars in subject position of episodic sentences results from the additive effects of three separate factors, rather than from a constraint against bare singulars in subject position. Implications of these findings for theories of bare NP interpretation in Brazilian Portuguese are discussed.
{"title":"Another Look at the Acceptability of Bare Singular NPs in Episodic Sentences in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"T. Ionin, E. Grolla, Hélade Santos","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12163","url":null,"abstract":"Bare (determiner-less) singular NPs in Brazilian Portuguese have been variously analyzed as indefinite terms, as kind terms, or as ambiguous between the two. It has furthermore been noted (Schmitt and Munn 1999, and subsequent literature) that bare singulars, unlike bare plurals, are degraded in the preverbal subject position of episodic sentences, but that their acceptability is improved when they are embedded inside a list. We conducted an experimental study examining the effect of NP type, syntactic position and list context on the acceptability of bare NPs in Brazilian Portuguese. Our results indicate that the low acceptability of bare singulars in subject position of episodic sentences results from the additive effects of three separate factors, rather than from a constraint against bare singulars in subject position. Implications of these findings for theories of bare NP interpretation in Brazilian Portuguese are discussed.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12163","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47914010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ergative systems often exhibit splits in alignment. • Such splits are often based on viewpoint aspect (Silverstein, 1976; Moravcsik, 1978; Dixon, 1979). • The direction of aspectual splits is consistent across languages: – Perfective (and perfect) aspect is associated with ergative alignment. – Imperfective (or progressive) aspect is associated with “nominative” alignment. • This defines a hierarchy along which different languages make splits at different points: ERG/ABS alignment ←− −→ NOM/ACC alignment PERFECT , PFV ≫ IMPF ≫ PROG ↑ ↑ Hindi Basque Chol The puzzle: What accounts for the existence of aspectual splits, and for their consistent direction? Two broad families of (syntactic) explanations: 1. The imperfective is special (Laka, 2006; Coon, 2010, 2013a) • Ergative alignment is an independent property of a language’s case and/or agreement system. • This alignment surfaces undisrupted in the perfective. • The structure of imperfective syntax is such that (in some languages) it disrupts ergative alignment. 2. The perfective is special (Mahajan, 1997; Anand and Nevins, 2006) • The basic alignment of languages with aspectual splits is accusative (or at least not ergative). ∗This work has benefitted enormously from conversations with many people over several years. I would like to especially thank Elizabeth Cowper, Claire Halpert, Sabine Iatridou, Alana Johns, Omer Preminger, David Pesetsky, and Nicholas Welch for suggestions and discussion. This work has been supported in part by the Banting Postdoctoral Fellowship program, administered by the Government of Canada.
{"title":"Ergative as Perfective Oblique","authors":"Bronwyn M. Bjorkman","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12162","url":null,"abstract":"Ergative systems often exhibit splits in alignment. • Such splits are often based on viewpoint aspect (Silverstein, 1976; Moravcsik, 1978; Dixon, 1979). • The direction of aspectual splits is consistent across languages: – Perfective (and perfect) aspect is associated with ergative alignment. – Imperfective (or progressive) aspect is associated with “nominative” alignment. • This defines a hierarchy along which different languages make splits at different points: ERG/ABS alignment ←− −→ NOM/ACC alignment PERFECT , PFV ≫ IMPF ≫ PROG ↑ ↑ Hindi Basque Chol The puzzle: What accounts for the existence of aspectual splits, and for their consistent direction? Two broad families of (syntactic) explanations: 1. The imperfective is special (Laka, 2006; Coon, 2010, 2013a) • Ergative alignment is an independent property of a language’s case and/or agreement system. • This alignment surfaces undisrupted in the perfective. • The structure of imperfective syntax is such that (in some languages) it disrupts ergative alignment. 2. The perfective is special (Mahajan, 1997; Anand and Nevins, 2006) • The basic alignment of languages with aspectual splits is accusative (or at least not ergative). ∗This work has benefitted enormously from conversations with many people over several years. I would like to especially thank Elizabeth Cowper, Claire Halpert, Sabine Iatridou, Alana Johns, Omer Preminger, David Pesetsky, and Nicholas Welch for suggestions and discussion. This work has been supported in part by the Banting Postdoctoral Fellowship program, administered by the Government of Canada.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12162","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44555803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Double-Object Constructions in Syrian Arabic","authors":"Peter Hallman","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12157","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12157","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41497393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In many languages, overt case marking hides φ-features from agreement probes. In some languages, such as Hindi, this effect is absolute. But in Adıyaman Kurmanji, our focus here, the effect is partial: the number feature of third person oblique subjects can be registered on the verb. We account for the difference by saying that overtly case marked nominals are in fact agreed with in the syntax, but the actual transfer of φ-feature values happens at PF, where it is sensitive to post syntactic operations like Fusion. All and only heads that fuse with case (a K head) can feed valuation and thus be realized on the agreement probe. Adıyaman Kurmanji is a language where number fuses with K and this feeds agreement, resulting in partial agreement with overtly case marked nominals (in number but not person), whereas Hindi is not. The possibility of object agreement in these languages is, we claim, the result of Multiple Agree, which creates complex feature bundles on agreement probes that are only partially realized morphologically at PF. We further support our theory by applying it to Icelandic and Faroese, languages often thought not to have agreement with oblique subjects, but which may allow agreement in very specific situations which our theory elucidates.
{"title":"On Partial Agreement and Oblique Case","authors":"Ümit Atlamaz, Mark C. Baker","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12155","url":null,"abstract":"In many languages, overt case marking hides φ-features from agreement probes. In some languages, such as Hindi, this effect is absolute. But in Adıyaman Kurmanji, our focus here, the effect is partial: the number feature of third person oblique subjects can be registered on the verb. We account for the difference by saying that overtly case marked nominals are in fact agreed with in the syntax, but the actual transfer of φ-feature values happens at PF, where it is sensitive to post syntactic operations like Fusion. All and only heads that fuse with case (a K head) can feed valuation and thus be realized on the agreement probe. Adıyaman Kurmanji is a language where number fuses with K and this feeds agreement, resulting in partial agreement with overtly case marked nominals (in number but not person), whereas Hindi is not. The possibility of object agreement in these languages is, we claim, the result of Multiple Agree, which creates complex feature bundles on agreement probes that are only partially realized morphologically at PF. We further support our theory by applying it to Icelandic and Faroese, languages often thought not to have agreement with oblique subjects, but which may allow agreement in very specific situations which our theory elucidates.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12155","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47763059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Interactions of Gender and Number Agreement: Evidence from Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian","authors":"Zorica Puškar","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12154","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12154","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48795169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Late Merge and Phases for Anti‐C‐Command Requirements","authors":"J. Abe","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12152","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"21 1","pages":"91-111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12152","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48216836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Anticipating Negation: The Dos and Don'ts of Neg Raising","authors":"L. Frazier, C. Clifton, Stephanie Rich, John Duff","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12151","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"21 1","pages":"160-194"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12151","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45288555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Licensing and Differential Object Marking: The View from Neo‐Aramaic","authors":"Laura Kalin","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12153","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"21 1","pages":"112-159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2018-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12153","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45320115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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