Ingrid Konrad, Massimo Burattin, C. Cecchetto, F. Foppolo, A. Staub, C. Donati
{"title":"Avoiding Gaps in Romance: Evidence from Italian and French for a Structural Parsing Principle","authors":"Ingrid Konrad, Massimo Burattin, C. Cecchetto, F. Foppolo, A. Staub, C. Donati","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12209","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"24 1","pages":"191-223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12209","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49011402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper offers a new morphosyntactic account of subject agreement in the Turkish verbal domain. The account is based on well-known, novel, and some excluded observations about the distribution and prosody of verbal agreement. In Turkish, when certain morphosyntactic requirements are met and when the verb is focused, the agreement morpheme can be optionally parsed inside or outside of the prosodically prominent part of the verbal domain. I claim that this optionality is a reflex of how the morphemes that constitute the verbal domain are post-syntactically concatenated. In particular, I argue that an agreement morpheme either lowers together with its host (full lowering); or is stranded when its host lowers (partial lowering). In full lowering, agreement is contained within the prominent part of the verbal domain, whereas in partial lowering, agreement falls outside of this prominence domain. I also show that prosodic variability is observed only when the non-canonical medial and double realization of agreement is possible. The Vocabulary Insertion rules that are postulated for the subject agreement paradigms of the Turkish verbal domain capture the possible cases of medial and double agreement and successfully predict in which environments medial agreement is optional and in which environments it is obligatory.
{"title":"Morphosyntax and Phonology of Agreement in Turkish","authors":"Güliz Güneş","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12210","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a new morphosyntactic account of subject agreement in the Turkish verbal domain. The account is based on well-known, novel, and some excluded observations about the distribution and prosody of verbal agreement. In Turkish, when certain morphosyntactic requirements are met and when the verb is focused, the agreement morpheme can be optionally parsed inside or outside of the prosodically prominent part of the verbal domain. I claim that this optionality is a reflex of how the morphemes that constitute the verbal domain are post-syntactically concatenated. In particular, I argue that an agreement morpheme either lowers together with its host (full lowering); or is stranded when its host lowers (partial lowering). In full lowering, agreement is contained within the prominent part of the verbal domain, whereas in partial lowering, agreement falls outside of this prominence domain. I also show that prosodic variability is observed only when the non-canonical medial and double realization of agreement is possible. The Vocabulary Insertion rules that are postulated for the subject agreement paradigms of the Turkish verbal domain capture the possible cases of medial and double agreement and successfully predict in which environments medial agreement is optional and in which environments it is obligatory.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12210","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45750530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
. This article addresses some issues related to Voice and little v. It does so by discussing and analyzing the variation that exists in the Chinese language family with respect to object placement (VO versus OV). It turns out that this variation can be accounted for straightforwardly as long as we assume, fi rst, that Voice and v are sometimes split and sometimes bundled, even within one language, and, second, that Voice does not always select vP; it can also select VP.
{"title":"Voice and Little v and VO–OV Word‐Order Variation in Chinese Languages","authors":"R. Sybesma","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12211","url":null,"abstract":". This article addresses some issues related to Voice and little v. It does so by discussing and analyzing the variation that exists in the Chinese language family with respect to object placement (VO versus OV). It turns out that this variation can be accounted for straightforwardly as long as we assume, fi rst, that Voice and v are sometimes split and sometimes bundled, even within one language, and, second, that Voice does not always select vP; it can also select VP.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12211","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47857685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Two Places for Causees in Productive IsiXhosa Morphological Causatives","authors":"Neil Myler, Z. O. Mali","doi":"10.1111/SYNT.12208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/SYNT.12208","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/SYNT.12208","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43503405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Almost all current approaches to the binding theory (the conditions that regulate covaluation between NPs within a sentence) have accepted the view of Reinhart (1983a,b), according to which the binding theory should regulate only syntactic binding and not coreference. In this paper, I argue that this is incorrect, and we need a binding theory that regulates both binding and coreference, as the classical binding theory had it (e.g., Chomsky 1981). I also show some problems with the idea that the binding conditions somehow involve or should reduce to syntactic movement or syntactic agreement (Agree), as many recent works argue. I suggest instead that we should pursue a presuppositional approach to the binding conditions, as proposed by Sauerland (2013) for Binding Condition A. I spell out such an analysis and illustrate some benefits of pursuing it.
{"title":"Generalizing the Presuppositional Approach to the Binding Conditions","authors":"Benjamin Bruening","doi":"10.1111/synt.12221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12221","url":null,"abstract":"Almost all current approaches to the binding theory (the conditions that regulate covaluation between NPs within a sentence) have accepted the view of Reinhart (1983a,b), according to which the binding theory should regulate only syntactic binding and not coreference. In this paper, I argue that this is incorrect, and we need a binding theory that regulates both binding and coreference, as the classical binding theory had it (e.g., Chomsky 1981). I also show some problems with the idea that the binding conditions somehow involve or should reduce to syntactic movement or syntactic agreement (Agree), as many recent works argue. I suggest instead that we should pursue a presuppositional approach to the binding conditions, as proposed by Sauerland (2013) for Binding Condition A. I spell out such an analysis and illustrate some benefits of pursuing it.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/synt.12221","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"63448323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article looks at constructions involving optional movement of contrastive foci and argues that this type of reordering cannot be accounted for by assuming that it is driven by a syntactic feature. I maintain that an interface-based approach that rests on the principles of economy fares better at capturing the data, as it accounts not only for optionality of contrastivefocus movement, which is found in a wide variety of languages, but also for multiple landing sites for contrastive-focus movement, which are found in scrambling languages, such as Russian.
{"title":"Optionality of Movement","authors":"E. Titov","doi":"10.1111/synt.12202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12202","url":null,"abstract":"This article looks at constructions involving optional movement of contrastive foci and argues that this type of reordering cannot be accounted for by assuming that it is driven by a syntactic feature. I maintain that an interface-based approach that rests on the principles of economy fares better at capturing the data, as it accounts not only for optionality of contrastivefocus movement, which is found in a wide variety of languages, but also for multiple landing sites for contrastive-focus movement, which are found in scrambling languages, such as Russian.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":"23 1","pages":"347-374"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/synt.12202","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41456134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Acknowledgments","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/synt.12207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12207","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/synt.12207","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42157241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
External possession refers to the phenomenon whereby a DP is marked as an independent argument in its clause but is interpreted as the possessor of another argument. Choctaw makes extensive use of external possession, but, puzzlingly, it comes in two distinct morphological proles. In previous work these have been assumed to be surface morphological variants, but I show instead that external possession in Choctaw is derived by two distinct mechanisms. One mechanism involves building a DP with an internal possessor and raising the possessor out to a higher le-peripheral position. e alternative mechanism involves building two unconnected DPs, one in an internal argument position and one in a high applicative phrase, and identifying the higher DP with the possessor θ-role of the lower DP in the process of semantic composition, by a mechanism known as delayed saturation. It is shown that this laer mechanism can generate external possession of objects and unaccusative subjects, depending on whether there is an external argument, and is subject to a host of interpretative restrictions that the movement-based mechanism is not. us I show not only that external possession can be derived by two dierent mechanisms, but also that those mechanisms may co-exist in the same language.
{"title":"Two Kinds of External Possession in Mississippi Choctaw","authors":"M. Tyler","doi":"10.1111/synt.12205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/synt.12205","url":null,"abstract":"External possession refers to the phenomenon whereby a DP is marked as an independent argument in its clause but is interpreted as the possessor of another argument. Choctaw makes extensive use of external possession, but, puzzlingly, it comes in two distinct morphological proles. In previous work these have been assumed to be surface morphological variants, but I show instead that external possession in Choctaw is derived by two distinct mechanisms. One mechanism involves building a DP with an internal possessor and raising the possessor out to a higher le-peripheral position. e alternative mechanism involves building two unconnected DPs, one in an internal argument position and one in a high applicative phrase, and identifying the higher DP with the possessor θ-role of the lower DP in the process of semantic composition, by a mechanism known as delayed saturation. It is shown that this laer mechanism can generate external possession of objects and unaccusative subjects, depending on whether there is an external argument, and is subject to a host of interpretative restrictions that the movement-based mechanism is not. us I show not only that external possession can be derived by two dierent mechanisms, but also that those mechanisms may co-exist in the same language.","PeriodicalId":45823,"journal":{"name":"Syntax-A Journal of Theoretical Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/synt.12205","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44543970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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