Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.2012852
Danielle K. Brown, Tamar Wilner, Gina M. Masullo
Abstract News organizations have a long history of covering civil rights protests in delegitimizing ways, and scholars have found that this coverage negatively affects public opinion. However, most media effects work has minimized the perspectives of Black people, and little is known about how racial identity might affect how protest coverage is perceived. We both survey (n = 1,052) and interview (n = 27) Black Americans to provide a rich understanding and interpretation of how they see and experience media coverage and how that influences them. We contribute to the literature by showing that Black Americans are dissatisfied with how news media cover their communities and covers protests, and they feel this coverage reifies harmful stereotypes and perpetuates invisibility politics.
{"title":"“It’s Just Not the Whole Story”: Black Perspectives of Protest Portrayals","authors":"Danielle K. Brown, Tamar Wilner, Gina M. Masullo","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.2012852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.2012852","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract News organizations have a long history of covering civil rights protests in delegitimizing ways, and scholars have found that this coverage negatively affects public opinion. However, most media effects work has minimized the perspectives of Black people, and little is known about how racial identity might affect how protest coverage is perceived. We both survey (n = 1,052) and interview (n = 27) Black Americans to provide a rich understanding and interpretation of how they see and experience media coverage and how that influences them. We contribute to the literature by showing that Black Americans are dissatisfied with how news media cover their communities and covers protests, and they feel this coverage reifies harmful stereotypes and perpetuates invisibility politics.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"1 1","pages":"382 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75910365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-09DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.2004477
Litzy Galarza
Abstract The CW’s Jane the Virgin (2014–2019; JTV) is a critically acclaimed, 100-episode US broadcast network television program that featured Latina characters and actors. The series was broadcast through two presidential administrations, Obama and Trump, which marked seemingly different approaches to immigration policy and enforcement. Although other shows have featured undocumented characters, such as Ugly Betty (2006–2010) and the remake One Day At A Time (2017–2019) among others, none (other than JTV) have illustrated the three juridical status changes required to complete an undocumented immigrant’s journey to naturalized citizenship. This article addresses three key moments in Alba Villanueva’s journey to citizenship via a critical textual analysis of select episodes across five seasons through Hector Amaya’s theory of citizenship excess. Alba’s journey to citizenship becomes public pedagogy for understanding the role of immigration law in society. With its push for #IMMIGRATIONREFORM, JTV also draws on the “marriage-for-a-green card” trope through Alba’s marriage to an undocumented Mexican immigrant to subvert and repurpose film and television’s use of this stereotype. This same narrative illustrates Alba’s internalization of the trappings of citizenship including how citizenship excess always distinguishes between citizens and non-citizens to justify legalized inequality.
CW美剧《处女情缘》(Jane The Virgin, 2014-2019);JTV)是一部广受好评的100集美国广播网络电视节目，主要由拉丁裔角色和演员出演。该剧在奥巴马和特朗普两届政府期间播出，这两届政府在移民政策和执法方面表现出看似不同的态度。尽管其他电视剧中也出现了非法移民角色，比如《丑女贝蒂》(2006-2010)和翻拍版《一天在一起》(2017-2019)等，但除了JTV之外，没有一部剧展示了完成非法移民入籍公民身份所需的三次法律地位变化。本文通过对五季中精选剧集的批判性文本分析，通过Hector Amaya的公民过度理论，阐述了Alba Villanueva公民之旅中的三个关键时刻。阿尔芭的公民之旅成为理解移民法在社会中的作用的公共教育。在推动#移民改革的同时，JTV还通过阿尔芭与一名墨西哥非法移民的婚姻，利用“为绿卡而结婚”的比喻，颠覆并重新定义了电影和电视对这一刻板印象的使用。同样的叙述说明了阿尔巴对公民身份的内化，包括公民身份的过剩如何总是区分公民和非公民，以证明合法的不平等。
{"title":"Alba the Undocumented: Immigration Law and Citizenship Excess in Jane the Virgin","authors":"Litzy Galarza","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.2004477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.2004477","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The CW’s Jane the Virgin (2014–2019; JTV) is a critically acclaimed, 100-episode US broadcast network television program that featured Latina characters and actors. The series was broadcast through two presidential administrations, Obama and Trump, which marked seemingly different approaches to immigration policy and enforcement. Although other shows have featured undocumented characters, such as Ugly Betty (2006–2010) and the remake One Day At A Time (2017–2019) among others, none (other than JTV) have illustrated the three juridical status changes required to complete an undocumented immigrant’s journey to naturalized citizenship. This article addresses three key moments in Alba Villanueva’s journey to citizenship via a critical textual analysis of select episodes across five seasons through Hector Amaya’s theory of citizenship excess. Alba’s journey to citizenship becomes public pedagogy for understanding the role of immigration law in society. With its push for #IMMIGRATIONREFORM, JTV also draws on the “marriage-for-a-green card” trope through Alba’s marriage to an undocumented Mexican immigrant to subvert and repurpose film and television’s use of this stereotype. This same narrative illustrates Alba’s internalization of the trappings of citizenship including how citizenship excess always distinguishes between citizens and non-citizens to justify legalized inequality.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"206 1","pages":"160 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76066306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-09DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.2012853
Chamian Y. Cruz, Lynette Holman
Abstract Journalists play a part in the public’s perception of issues through priming, framing, and agenda setting media effects (McCombs, 2014; Power et al., 1996; Quinsaat, 2014), because they serve as a conduit of information. Professional norms dictate how journalists do their newswork; however, implicit biases and the media’s systematic structure can influence common journalistic practices, which can further stereotype marginalized populations (Entman & Rojecki, 2000). This study examines how two structurally different newsrooms covered the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). By sampling content from the Tampa Bay Times, a predominantly White newsroom, and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, a more diverse newsroom, a textual analysis of articles written nine months before Donald Trump was elected president to the end of his presidency ascertained differences in word choice, frames, sourcing, and other factors in coverage of BLM and DACA. This study found that the ethnicity of journalists likely influences coverage of Black people and Hispanic/Latino immigrants, that coverage of DACA was more sympathetic, ethical framing grew for BLM stories in the wake of extrajudicial killings of Black and brown individuals in 2020, and that specialized reporting leads to better representation of these two issues.
记者通过启动、框架和议程设置媒体效应在公众对问题的感知中发挥作用(McCombs, 2014;Power et al.， 1996;Quinsaat, 2014)，因为它们是信息的渠道。职业规范决定了记者如何进行新闻工作;然而，内隐偏见和媒体的系统结构可以影响常见的新闻实践，这可以进一步刻板印象边缘化人群(Entman & Rojecki, 2000)。本研究考察了两个结构不同的新闻编辑室如何报道黑人的命也是命(BLM)运动和童年入境暂缓遣返(DACA)。通过对以白人为主的新闻编辑室《坦帕湾时报》(Tampa Bay Times)和多元化的新闻编辑室《亚特兰大宪法报》(Atlanta Journal-Constitution)的内容进行抽样，对唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)当选总统至任期结束前9个月撰写的文章进行文本分析，确定了在BLM和DACA报道中用词、框架、来源和其他因素的差异。这项研究发现，记者的种族可能会影响对黑人和西班牙裔/拉丁裔移民的报道，对DACA的报道更有同情心，在2020年法外处决黑人和棕色人种之后，BLM故事的道德框架得到了发展，专业化报道可以更好地代表这两个问题。
{"title":"The Media and Race in the Trump Era: An Analysis of Two Racially Different Newsrooms’ Coverage of BLM and DACA","authors":"Chamian Y. Cruz, Lynette Holman","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.2012853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.2012853","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Journalists play a part in the public’s perception of issues through priming, framing, and agenda setting media effects (McCombs, 2014; Power et al., 1996; Quinsaat, 2014), because they serve as a conduit of information. Professional norms dictate how journalists do their newswork; however, implicit biases and the media’s systematic structure can influence common journalistic practices, which can further stereotype marginalized populations (Entman & Rojecki, 2000). This study examines how two structurally different newsrooms covered the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). By sampling content from the Tampa Bay Times, a predominantly White newsroom, and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, a more diverse newsroom, a textual analysis of articles written nine months before Donald Trump was elected president to the end of his presidency ascertained differences in word choice, frames, sourcing, and other factors in coverage of BLM and DACA. This study found that the ethnicity of journalists likely influences coverage of Black people and Hispanic/Latino immigrants, that coverage of DACA was more sympathetic, ethical framing grew for BLM stories in the wake of extrajudicial killings of Black and brown individuals in 2020, and that specialized reporting leads to better representation of these two issues.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"61 1","pages":"197 - 215"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81362191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1985660
A. Mohamed
Abstract We examine the role of the press in Alabama during the “massive resistance” to the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education ruling of 1954 on school integration, and the extent to which newspaper editorials relied on social and legal rationales for segregation based on the High Court’s earlier Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1896. All three of Plessy’s rationales for institutionalizing segregation—states’ rights, a dual system of “social rights” based on race, and the doctrine of “separate but equal”—were widely adopted by the press. This contrasted with the approach of “natural law” preservationists who relied on “pure racial ideology” in fighting integration. A content analysis of Birmingham News editorials from 1960 to 1964 found support for our thesis that “mainstream” segregationist newspapers were more likely to use “pragmatic” rationales based on “constitutional” arguments rather than “natural law” arguments to defend segregation. This approach was seen as more effective in persuading the public outside the South on the merits of the “southern way of life.” Thus, Birmingham News editors consistently supported “political equality” of races to the dismay of staunch segregationist leaders in Alabama such as Governors John Patterson and George Wallace.
摘要:我们考察了阿拉巴马州新闻界在对1954年最高法院“布朗诉教育委员会”(Brown v. Board of Education)关于学校融合的裁决的“大规模抵抗”中所扮演的角色，以及基于高等法院早前1896年普莱西诉弗格森案(Plessy v. Ferguson)裁决的报纸社论在多大程度上依赖于种族隔离的社会和法律依据。普莱西提出的将种族隔离制度制度化的三个基本原理——国家权利、基于种族的双重“社会权利”体系和“隔离但平等”的原则——都被媒体广泛采纳。这与依靠“纯粹种族意识形态”来对抗种族融合的“自然法”保护主义者的做法形成了鲜明对比。对《伯明翰新闻》1960年至1964年社论的内容分析支持了我们的论点，即“主流”种族隔离主义报纸更有可能使用基于“宪法”论据的“实用主义”理由，而不是基于“自然法”论据来捍卫种族隔离。这种方法被认为在说服南方以外的公众相信“南方生活方式”的优点方面更为有效。因此，《伯明翰新闻》的编辑们一贯支持种族的“政治平等”，这让阿拉巴马州坚定的种族隔离主义领导人，如州长约翰·帕特森和乔治·华莱士感到沮丧。
{"title":"Influence of the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson Decision on Southern Editorial Arguments during the “Massive Resistance” to Integration: Perspective from Alabama","authors":"A. Mohamed","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.1985660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.1985660","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We examine the role of the press in Alabama during the “massive resistance” to the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education ruling of 1954 on school integration, and the extent to which newspaper editorials relied on social and legal rationales for segregation based on the High Court’s earlier Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1896. All three of Plessy’s rationales for institutionalizing segregation—states’ rights, a dual system of “social rights” based on race, and the doctrine of “separate but equal”—were widely adopted by the press. This contrasted with the approach of “natural law” preservationists who relied on “pure racial ideology” in fighting integration. A content analysis of Birmingham News editorials from 1960 to 1964 found support for our thesis that “mainstream” segregationist newspapers were more likely to use “pragmatic” rationales based on “constitutional” arguments rather than “natural law” arguments to defend segregation. This approach was seen as more effective in persuading the public outside the South on the merits of the “southern way of life.” Thus, Birmingham News editors consistently supported “political equality” of races to the dismay of staunch segregationist leaders in Alabama such as Governors John Patterson and George Wallace.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"177 1","pages":"281 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75183901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-14DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1996491
Yowei Kang, KENNETH C.C. YANG
Abstract Trump’s disruptive presidency has created predictable schisms in international politics, relations, trade relations, cultures, and social structures worldwide. His campaign promises and subsequent executive orders have constructed a 200-mile wall across the US and Mexican borders. The Wall project has cost about $20 billion and has incurred criticisms about its anti-immigrant, racism, and xenophobia implications domestically and internationally. In this cross-national computational framing study, we examined the corpus of English-language media discourses of 967 articles to describe, compare, and interpret how international media organizations and journalists have framed this monumental architecture during Trump’s Presidency (2017–2020). Our text mining analyses have identified six news frames and confirmed home country’s existing racism and xenophobia account for variations in the framing practices of the Wall project among media organizations and journalists around the world. Discussions and implications were provided.
{"title":"Communicating Racism and Xenophobia in the Era of Donald Trump: A Computational Framing Analysis of the US-Mexico Cross-Border Wall Discourses","authors":"Yowei Kang, KENNETH C.C. YANG","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.1996491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.1996491","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Trump’s disruptive presidency has created predictable schisms in international politics, relations, trade relations, cultures, and social structures worldwide. His campaign promises and subsequent executive orders have constructed a 200-mile wall across the US and Mexican borders. The Wall project has cost about $20 billion and has incurred criticisms about its anti-immigrant, racism, and xenophobia implications domestically and internationally. In this cross-national computational framing study, we examined the corpus of English-language media discourses of 967 articles to describe, compare, and interpret how international media organizations and journalists have framed this monumental architecture during Trump’s Presidency (2017–2020). Our text mining analyses have identified six news frames and confirmed home country’s existing racism and xenophobia account for variations in the framing practices of the Wall project among media organizations and journalists around the world. Discussions and implications were provided.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"45 1","pages":"140 - 159"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90746340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-11DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1986753
Newly Paul, Gwendelyn Nisbett
Abstract Data and visualizations are an important part of local health news. Systematic data sourced from credible sources provide context to stories and educate audiences. Data visualizations help simplify complex statistical information and increase audience interactivity. Journalists associate statistics with objectivity, and use them to quantify risk in crisis situations. This study explores how local news used data to cover the coronavirus pandemic. We examined 170 data-driven articles published in the Dallas Morning News and the Houston Chronicle to examine the predominant data sources, data-driven narratives, and use of interactive elements. Results indicate reliance on government sources, prevalence of hard news stories, localization of statistics, contextual presentation of data, and abundant use of visualizations. However, the coverage lacked human-interest stories, interactivity in infographics, and failed to adequately reflect the diversity of the communities covered by the two newspapers. Data-driven stories did not always provide access to the underlying databases; nor did they always explain the methodology used to gather and analyze the data. While the readable format of the articles and the updates on infection rates can inform audiences, we argue that coverage that ignores broader data trends can cause readers to feel negative, which can push them toward news avoidance.
{"title":"The Numbers Game: How Local Newspapers Used Statistics and Data Visualizations to Cover the Coronavirus Pandemic","authors":"Newly Paul, Gwendelyn Nisbett","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.1986753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.1986753","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Data and visualizations are an important part of local health news. Systematic data sourced from credible sources provide context to stories and educate audiences. Data visualizations help simplify complex statistical information and increase audience interactivity. Journalists associate statistics with objectivity, and use them to quantify risk in crisis situations. This study explores how local news used data to cover the coronavirus pandemic. We examined 170 data-driven articles published in the Dallas Morning News and the Houston Chronicle to examine the predominant data sources, data-driven narratives, and use of interactive elements. Results indicate reliance on government sources, prevalence of hard news stories, localization of statistics, contextual presentation of data, and abundant use of visualizations. However, the coverage lacked human-interest stories, interactivity in infographics, and failed to adequately reflect the diversity of the communities covered by the two newspapers. Data-driven stories did not always provide access to the underlying databases; nor did they always explain the methodology used to gather and analyze the data. While the readable format of the articles and the updates on infection rates can inform audiences, we argue that coverage that ignores broader data trends can cause readers to feel negative, which can push them toward news avoidance.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"44 1","pages":"297 - 313"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88138658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-09DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1999349
Guy Harrison, C. Kerns, Jason Stamm
Abstract This content analysis uses media framing theory to explore and compare the rate at which NFL beat writers discussed race in their coverage of the 2020 and 2021 NFL head coach hiring cycles, a perennial process that has historically maintained the statistical overrepresentation of white men among the league’s head coaches. The study of the articles (N = 374) found significant year over year increases in 2021 in both the percentage of all sampled articles overall that mentioned race and in the percentage of stories that mentioned race after a team’s head coach was hired. This study’s findings suggest that, while NFL beat writers are unsurprisingly likely to avoid using race to frame their coaching search stories, their willingness to include race in their reporting may be increasing. Given increased calls for the NFL to address its lack of Black head coaches, sportswriters’ (un)willingness to include race in their reporting of coaching searches has become increasingly relevant. Given this study’s results, we therefore call for further qualitative and longitudinal quantitative studies to more definitively investigate these results as a sustained (and sustainable) phenomenon.
{"title":"Covering the Rooney Rule: An Exploratory Study of Print Coverage of NFL Head Coaching Searches","authors":"Guy Harrison, C. Kerns, Jason Stamm","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.1999349","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.1999349","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This content analysis uses media framing theory to explore and compare the rate at which NFL beat writers discussed race in their coverage of the 2020 and 2021 NFL head coach hiring cycles, a perennial process that has historically maintained the statistical overrepresentation of white men among the league’s head coaches. The study of the articles (N = 374) found significant year over year increases in 2021 in both the percentage of all sampled articles overall that mentioned race and in the percentage of stories that mentioned race after a team’s head coach was hired. This study’s findings suggest that, while NFL beat writers are unsurprisingly likely to avoid using race to frame their coaching search stories, their willingness to include race in their reporting may be increasing. Given increased calls for the NFL to address its lack of Black head coaches, sportswriters’ (un)willingness to include race in their reporting of coaching searches has become increasingly relevant. Given this study’s results, we therefore call for further qualitative and longitudinal quantitative studies to more definitively investigate these results as a sustained (and sustainable) phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"34 1","pages":"435 - 451"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79383231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-26DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1995535
E. Ohaja, Ogemdi Uchenna Eze, O. A. Mgboji
Abstract Child marriage is a problem that has continued to attract global attention. The media have been identified as critical to the fight against the scourge as it discusses the capacity to raise awareness of the issue as well as trigger action in solving the problem. The report of the alleged abduction of a minor, Ese Oruru by one Yunusa Dahiru for marriage jolted the nation and sparked public outcry for her release. This study explored newspaper framing of the incident. Drawing from qualitative frame analysis, it examined how Punch and Daily Trust newspapers framed the alleged abduction saga. The study found that there was contrastive framing of the incident with Punch newspaper portraying the issue as abduction while Daily Trust newspaper depicted it as elopement. The influence of socio-cultural leanings of these papers on the contrastive framing is discussed. The implication of the divergent framing of the saga on the fight against child marriage is highlighted.
{"title":"Abduction or Elopement? Contrastive Newspaper Framing of the Alleged Abduction of Ese Oruru Saga in Selected Nigerian Dailies","authors":"E. Ohaja, Ogemdi Uchenna Eze, O. A. Mgboji","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.1995535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.1995535","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Child marriage is a problem that has continued to attract global attention. The media have been identified as critical to the fight against the scourge as it discusses the capacity to raise awareness of the issue as well as trigger action in solving the problem. The report of the alleged abduction of a minor, Ese Oruru by one Yunusa Dahiru for marriage jolted the nation and sparked public outcry for her release. This study explored newspaper framing of the incident. Drawing from qualitative frame analysis, it examined how Punch and Daily Trust newspapers framed the alleged abduction saga. The study found that there was contrastive framing of the incident with Punch newspaper portraying the issue as abduction while Daily Trust newspaper depicted it as elopement. The influence of socio-cultural leanings of these papers on the contrastive framing is discussed. The implication of the divergent framing of the saga on the fight against child marriage is highlighted.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"201 1","pages":"365 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89013772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-25DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1986754
Nana Kwame Osei Fordjour
Abstract The first 90 days are crucial for new employees to build credibility in the organizational context. This phenomenon is also applicable to political office holders, who need to build the confidence reposed in them by the electorates. In the present study, I analyze Vice President Kamala Harris’ own tweets to assess the fantasy themes and portrayal of power in her first 90 days. Findings indicate that Kamala Harris’s tweets construct her public persona as a busy and exemplary Vice President who enjoys total spousal support. This can be described as an image-building strategy which enhances her credibility and portrays her as authentic. Vice President Harris also portrays symbolic power through her multimodal discourses which involve actions and symbols by her association with the armed forces, her moderation of official meetings and the display of her swearing-in functions. Her tweets also highlight the Biden administration’s resolve toward racial and gender inclusivity.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2021.1991862
Armond R. Towns
Abstract The Howard Journal of Communications has long been viewed as a space within communication studies to publish scholarship pertaining to race, intercultural communication, class, gender, sexuality, and colonialism. As such, it can be, and should be, celebrated as one of the journals that laid the foundation for the contemporary proliferation of communication studies work that critically examines topics that disproportionately effect marginalized people. Still, what I argue is this journal is something more: in terms of journals with an explicit communication studies focus, this journal remains the main journal of Black studies for communication scholars, which is to say it is a material break from the dominant, White communication studies discipline completely. In many ways, then, the journal is not necessarily a communication studies journal, despite its name, but a Black studies journal for us scholars trained in communication studies.
{"title":"Black Studies and the Case of/for the Howard Journal of Communications","authors":"Armond R. Towns","doi":"10.1080/10646175.2021.1991862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2021.1991862","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Howard Journal of Communications has long been viewed as a space within communication studies to publish scholarship pertaining to race, intercultural communication, class, gender, sexuality, and colonialism. As such, it can be, and should be, celebrated as one of the journals that laid the foundation for the contemporary proliferation of communication studies work that critically examines topics that disproportionately effect marginalized people. Still, what I argue is this journal is something more: in terms of journals with an explicit communication studies focus, this journal remains the main journal of Black studies for communication scholars, which is to say it is a material break from the dominant, White communication studies discipline completely. In many ways, then, the journal is not necessarily a communication studies journal, despite its name, but a Black studies journal for us scholars trained in communication studies.","PeriodicalId":45915,"journal":{"name":"Howard Journal of Communications","volume":"134 1","pages":"351 - 364"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88871001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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