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Too left-wing or not populist enough? Using Laclau and Mouffe to rethink Corbynism and future left strategy in the UK 太左翼还是不够民粹?用拉克劳和墨菲来重新思考科尔宾主义和英国未来的左翼战略
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-16 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00212-z
Clare Woodford
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引用次数: 0
The Johnson factor: British national identity and Boris Johnson 约翰逊因素:英国民族认同与鲍里斯·约翰逊
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-06-16 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00211-0
Victoria Honeyman
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引用次数: 3
Negotiating secession: Brexit lessons for Scottish independence 谈判分离:英国脱欧给苏格兰独立带来的教训
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-06-02 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00210-1
Benjamin Martill
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引用次数: 1
Power-sharing and memory-sharing in Northern Ireland: a case study of Healing Through Remembering during consociational volatility 北爱尔兰的权力分享和记忆共享:在联合波动期间通过记忆治疗的案例研究
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00209-8
C. K. M. Chung
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引用次数: 0
The 2016 UK referendum on EU membership and the importance of remaining on point during the campaign 2016年英国脱欧公投,以及在竞选期间保持立场的重要性
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00207-w
P. Copeland
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引用次数: 0
Territorial variation in territorial representation: the local base of Westminster MPs 领土代表性的领土差异:威斯敏斯特议员的地方基础
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-21 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00205-y
K. Stolz, Eric Linhart
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引用次数: 0
Britain, Britishness, and exceptionalism within the rhetoric of David Cameron 英国,英国性,以及戴维·卡梅伦的言论中的例外主义
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-18 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-022-00203-0
Mike Bolt
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引用次数: 0
Dimitri Batrouni: ‘The Battle of Ideas in the Labour Party: from Attlee to Corbyn and Brexit’ Dimitri batroni:《工党内部的思想之战:从艾德礼到科尔宾和英国脱欧》
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-021-00201-8
B. Ward
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引用次数: 0
Understanding drivers of support for English city-region devolution: a case study of the Liverpool City Region. 理解支持英国城市地区权力下放的驱动因素:以利物浦城市地区为例
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-021-00199-z
David Jeffery

Metro mayors heading a combined authority represent the most recent innovation in English devolution. City-region devolution has been a key way in which successive Conservative governments have sought to boost local economic growth against a background of local authority austerity, and now form a part of the Johnson government's 'levelling up' agenda. However, the perspective of voters is often overlooked in these debates. City-region devolution is a top-down innovation, with a focus on city-region economics rather than democratic renewal or engagement, and there is so far very little academic literature on identifying the drivers of public support for mayoral combined authorities. This study draws on survey responses of voters in the Liverpool City Region and explores a number of potential drivers of support for the Liverpool City Region combined authority, including party support, English, British and European identity, left-right and other value positions, and the role of place in driving support. It finds that support for devolution to the Liverpool City Region is driven by whether one lives in the centre or periphery of the city region, support for the Labour Party, left-wing, socially liberal and European identities, as well as being female and older. This paper also lays the groundwork for further research into drivers of public support for city-region devolution in England.

城市市长领导的联合政府代表了英国权力下放的最新创新。在地方政府紧缩的背景下,城市地区权力下放一直是历届保守党政府寻求促进地方经济增长的关键方式,现在已成为约翰逊政府“升级”议程的一部分。然而,在这些辩论中,选民的观点往往被忽视。城市-地区权力下放是一种自上而下的创新,关注的是城市-地区经济,而不是民主的更新或参与。迄今为止,关于确定公众支持市长联合政府的驱动因素的学术文献很少。本研究利用了利物浦城市地区选民的调查回应,并探讨了支持利物浦城市地区联合权威的一些潜在驱动因素,包括政党支持、英语、英国和欧洲认同、左右和其他价值立场,以及地方在推动支持方面的作用。研究发现,是否支持将权力下放到利物浦城市地区,取决于一个人是住在城市地区的中心还是外围,是否支持工党、左翼、社会自由主义和欧洲身份,以及是否为女性和老年人。本文还为进一步研究英国公众支持城市-地区权力下放的驱动因素奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 0
Working-class conservative voters in 2019: voices from a valley in northern England. 2019年的工人阶级保守派选民:来自英格兰北部山谷的声音
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-05-20 DOI: 10.1057/s41293-021-00177-5
Gavin Hart

This paper highlights the findings from qualitative research into the electoral decision-making processes of working-class Conservative voters from a constituency in northern England. Through focussing specifically upon their primary concerns during the 2019 election, the piece expands upon existing quantitative research. Survey studies have highlighted leadership concerns and Brexit as the primary factors that have driven voters away from Labour and towards the Conservative Party. It is argued here that leadership, Brexit, and economic management were closely intertwined, with party leaders at the centre of broader thinking for these participants. Perceptions of the party leaders were foremost in these deliberations and this has clearly impacted upon the interviewees' thinking on a range of political matters. Additionally, the interviews asked what might influence the participants' future electoral choices. Here, the data suggest a sense of limited, qualified attachment to the Conservative Party and a desire to see the Labour Party move towards what the respondents perceive as a centrist ideological position. The final section considers what these findings may mean for the major parties in future electoral contests. It is suggested that the presidential focus has worked for Johnson so far due to his abilities as a communicator, but the government will have a difficult hill to climb in this parliament if they are to retain the loyalty of these voters in future.

本文重点介绍了对英格兰北部选区工人阶级保守党选民选举决策过程的定性研究结果。通过特别关注他们在 2019 年选举中的主要关注点,本文对现有的定量研究进行了扩展。调查研究强调,对领导力的担忧和英国脱欧是促使选民从工党转向保守党的主要因素。本文认为,领导力、英国脱欧和经济管理密切相关,党的领导人是这些参与者更广泛思考的中心。在这些讨论中,对政党领导人的看法是最重要的,这显然影响了受访者对一系列政治问题的思考。此外,访谈还询问了什么可能会影响参与者未来的选举选择。在这方面,数据表明,受访者对保守党的感情是有限的、有条件的,并希望看到工党朝着受访者认为的中间派意识形态立场发展。最后一部分探讨了这些发现对各主要政党在未来竞选中的意义。研究认为,由于约翰逊的沟通能力,他的总统重点迄今为止一直很有效,但政府要想在未来留住这些选民的忠诚度,在本届议会中将面临困难重重的局面。
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引用次数: 0
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British Politics
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