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Young climate activists in television news: An analysis of multimodal constructions of voice, political recognition, and co-optation 电视新闻中的年轻气候活动家:声音、政治认可和共同选择的多模式结构分析
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2251310
Tania R Santos, Mehmet Ali Üzelgün, Anabela Carvalho
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引用次数: 0
The assimilated secret: Understanding as silence in Japanese LGBT discourse 被同化的秘密:日本LGBT话语中的理解即沉默
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2254171
Anya Doi-Benson
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引用次数: 0
Skilling communication: The discourse and metadiscourse of communication in self-help books 跳跃式交际:自助书中的交际话语与元话语
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2254173
Yonatan Fialkoff, Amit Pinchevski
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引用次数: 0
Contexts and dimensions of algorithm literacies: parents’ algorithm literacies amidst the datafication of parenthood 算法文字的语境和维度:父母数据化中的父母算法文字
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2247825
Ranjana Das
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引用次数: 0
How U.S.-based children’s news show CNN 10 reproduces neoliberal hegemony: A critical discourse analysis 美国儿童新闻节目CNN 10如何再现新自由主义霸权:批判性话语分析
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-14 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2247957
Perry Parks
ABSTRACT This study critically explores discourses of hegemonic neoliberalism on the digital news show CNN 10, which is explicitly produced for student audiences and shown in classrooms to millions of young people. Drawing on theories of hegemony, neoliberalism, and positioning, analysis of 102 episode transcripts shows that CNN 10’s young audience is interpellated occasionally as students, rarely as citizens, and almost always as nascent workers, consumers, and investors, whose overriding concern about world events should orient toward efficient capitalist production and frictionless global commerce. The study’s main contribution is to foreground these proffered subject-positions, calling attention to the subtle hegemonic work produced through pedagogical news discourse and legitimated in classrooms.
摘要本研究批判性地探讨了数字新闻节目CNN10中的霸权新自由主义话语,该节目明确为学生观众制作,并在课堂上向数百万年轻人展示。根据霸权、新自由主义和定位的理论,对102集文字记录的分析表明,美国有线电视新闻网10频道的年轻观众偶尔会被质疑为学生,很少被质疑为公民,几乎总是被质疑为新生工人、消费者和投资者,他们对世界事件的首要关注应该指向高效的资本主义生产和无摩擦的全球商业。本研究的主要贡献是展望这些提供的主题立场,提请人们注意通过教学新闻话语产生并在课堂上合法化的微妙霸权作品。
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引用次数: 0
The public’s appropriation of multimodal discourses of fake news on social media 公众对社交媒体上假新闻多模式话语的挪用
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2242070
Ahmed Al-Rawi, Devan Prithipaul
ABSTRACT This study empirically examines tweets and Instagram posts that reference the hashtag #fakenews in connection to Canadian issues to understand the nature of the public’s political and multimodal discourses. Taken from larger datasets consisting of over 255,000 Instagram posts and over 14 million tweets, we used a mixed method, partly analyzing more than 4100 most retweeted messages and Instagram posts and manually categorizing them into seven topic types along with their political tone. Theoretically, we argue that the term fake news has lost its core meaning as it is appropriated by the social media public to communicate a variety of messages especially in relation to politics. The findings show that although there are differences between the two social media platforms, the majority of Instagram and Twitter topics that reference fake news are political in nature and anti-liberal in tone. Methodologically, the inclusion of multimodal analysis helps identify the sentiment and emotional aspects which are critical aspects for the spread of fake news and polarization on social media. Despite the different political contexts, our findings on Instagram and Twitter align with other studies that examined political polarization and the prevalence of conservative voices in the United States.
摘要本研究实证研究了与加拿大问题相关的推文和Instagram帖子,以了解公众政治和多模式话语的本质。从由超过25.5万条Instagram帖子和超过1400万条推文组成的更大数据集中,我们使用了一种混合方法,部分分析了4100多条转发最多的消息和Instagram帖子,并手动将其分为七种主题类型及其政治基调。从理论上讲,我们认为,假新闻一词已经失去了核心含义,因为它被社交媒体公众用来传播各种信息,尤其是与政治有关的信息。调查结果显示,尽管这两个社交媒体平台之间存在差异,但大多数提及假新闻的Instagram和Twitter话题本质上是政治性的,语气上是反自由的。从方法上讲,纳入多模态分析有助于识别情绪和情绪方面,这是社交媒体上假新闻传播和两极分化的关键方面。尽管政治背景不同,但我们在Instagram和Twitter上的发现与其他研究一致,这些研究考察了美国的政治两极分化和保守派声音的普遍性。
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引用次数: 0
The problems of base/superstructure and ideology in the works of Stuart Hall, Georg Lukács, and Raymond Williams 斯图尔特·霍尔、乔治·Lukács和雷蒙德·威廉姆斯作品中的基础/上层建筑和意识形态问题
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2242068
C. Fuchs
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引用次数: 0
Contextures of hate: Towards a systems theory of hate communication on social media platforms 仇恨的背景:社交媒体平台上仇恨传播的系统理论
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2208513
Niklas Barth, Elke Wagner, Philipp Raab, Björn Wiegärtner
ABSTRACT We inquire into different perspectives and patterns of problematizing online hate speech within the social sciences from a systems-theoretical perspective. Our results identify five different research perspectives adopted by studies on the issue: (1) systematic perspectives on problems of operationalizing (online) hate speech; (2) intentionalist perspectives on actors and their motives; (3) consequentialist perspectives on victims of online hate speech; (4) perspectives on media affordances, infrastructures, and strategies of online hate speech; and finally, (5) normative perspectives on the consequences of online hate speech. Additionally, we want to propose a functionalist perspective on hate communication and, for this purpose, develop a systems-theoretical and media-sociological framework for analyzing online hate speech. A systems-theoretical perspective connects to a process-oriented paradigm of doing hate speech. Instead of asking what hate speech is, a systems-theoretical framework focuses on how different communicative contextures empirically produce different understandings of hate communication. We will make four research proposals: We will (1) conceptualize hate as hate communication, then proceed to (2) analyze different communicative contextures, (3) develop media archeology of negation and conflict communication, and finally (4) focus on the function of conflict and hate communication for the emergence of (counter-)publics.
本文从系统理论的角度探讨了社会科学中网络仇恨言论问题化的不同视角和模式。我们的研究结果确定了研究这一问题所采用的五种不同的研究视角:(1)系统地看待(在线)仇恨言论的操作问题;(2)行为者及其动机的意向主义视角;(3)网络仇恨言论受害者的结果主义视角;(4)对网络仇恨言论的媒体支持、基础设施和策略的看法;最后,(5)关于网络仇恨言论后果的规范性观点。此外,我们想提出一个功能主义的观点来看待仇恨传播,并为此目的,开发一个系统理论和媒体社会学框架来分析在线仇恨言论。一个系统理论的视角连接到一个过程导向的范式做仇恨言论。系统理论框架不是问什么是仇恨言论,而是关注不同的交际背景如何在经验上产生对仇恨传播的不同理解。我们将提出四个研究建议:我们将(1)将仇恨概念化为仇恨传播,然后(2)分析不同的传播情境,(3)发展否定和冲突传播的媒体考古学,最后(4)关注冲突和仇恨传播对(反)公众的出现的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Delineating the concept of (digital) slow journalism and its future through an international Delphi study 通过国际德尔菲研究描绘(数字)慢新闻的概念及其未来
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2223500
Itsaso Manias-Muñoz, Miren Manias-Muñoz, Gabriel Corral-Velázquez
ABSTRACT This study seeks to evaluate the current status of journalism and digital slow journalism and identify its future challenges. A Delphi method has been used, with international experts responding to a qualitative questionnaire. This methodological technique is used to analyze experts’ perceptions regarding one subject of study and detect future tendencies. In this particular case, an iterative process was conducted in two waves, with 28 professionals and academics from different continents (North America, South America, Europe and Australia), to stimulate a critical debate about digital slow journalism. The most prominent result of the study is that slow journalism is understood as more critical, contrasted and contextualized than fast journalism. The participants of the study believe there is a need for the truthful and quality information offered by slow journalism and narrative journalistic genres. Additionally, the findings indicate that the future of slow journalism involves the incorporation of new multimedia content and formats into its practice. This is particularly important if slow journalism is to be adapted to digital consumption demands. In this direction, future audience investigations will be key to offer readers better experiences and narrative styles.
摘要本研究旨在评估新闻业和数字慢新闻业的现状,并确定其未来的挑战。采用德尔菲法,国际专家对定性问卷作出答复。这种方法论技术用于分析专家对一个研究主题的看法,并检测未来的趋势。在这个特殊的案例中,来自不同大陆(北美、南美、欧洲和澳大利亚)的28名专业人士和学者分两波进行了迭代过程,以激发关于数字慢新闻的批判性辩论。该研究最突出的结果是,慢新闻被理解为比快新闻更具批判性、对比性和情境性。该研究的参与者认为,慢新闻和叙事新闻类型需要提供真实和高质量的信息。此外,研究结果表明,慢新闻的未来涉及将新的多媒体内容和格式融入其实践。如果慢速新闻要适应数字消费需求,这一点尤为重要。在这个方向上,未来的受众调查将是为读者提供更好体验和叙事风格的关键。
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引用次数: 0
Digital populism in an authoritarian context: A discourse analysis of the legitimization of the Belt and Road Initiative by China’s party media 威权语境下的数字民粹主义:中国党媒对“一带一路”倡议合法化的话语分析
IF 1.9 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/10714421.2023.2214056
Le Cao, Runya Qiaoan
ABSTRACT This study examines how the Chinese government has adopted authoritarian digital populism to justify its political programs through its official social media sub-accounts. Through discourse analysis, we investigate textual material concerning the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) posted on a representative WeChat account, Xiakedao. We find Xiakedao performing digital populism through stylistic-emotional manipulation to portray the benefits of the BRI to China, BRI countries, and the world, or, put succinctly, to legitimize the BRI. Specifically, in 2014–2016, through mixing informal and formal language, Xiakedao based its legitimization on stirring up a sense of hegemonic superiority by painting it as a strategy capable of significantly advancing China’s interests. Since 2017, Xiakedao has shifted to emphasizing its massive global contribution to stimulate nationalist pride and exploiting a trauma complex to bestow a counter-hegemonic aura on it. Drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, we argue that Xiakedao has utilized the terms “China” and “BRI” as an empty signifier and a floating signifier, respectively. We unravel its discursive strategies of fixing their meanings and (re)drawing antagonistic frontiers to legitimize the BRI during different periods. The study contributes to theoretically understanding how an authoritarian state legitimizes the same political programs from disparate stances.
摘要本研究考察了中国政府如何通过其官方社交媒体子账户采用威权数字民粹主义来为其政治计划辩护。通过话语分析,我们调查了一个有代表性的微信账号“下客岛”上发布的关于““一带一路”倡议倡议”(BRI)的文本材料。我们发现,侠客岛通过风格化的情感操纵来表演数字民粹主义,以描绘“一带一路”倡议对中国、“一带一步”倡议国家和世界的好处,或者,简单地说,是为了使“一带一程”倡议合法化。具体而言,在2014-2016年,通过混合非正式和正式语言,侠客岛将其合法化建立在煽动霸权优越感的基础上,将其描绘成一种能够显著促进中国利益的战略。自2017年以来,侠客岛已转向强调其在全球的巨大贡献,以激发民族主义自豪感,并利用创伤情结赋予其反霸权的光环。借鉴拉克劳和莫菲的话语理论,我们认为侠客岛分别将“中国”和“一带一路”作为一个空的能指和一个漂浮的能指。我们解开了它在不同时期固定其含义和(重新)划定对立边界以使“一带一路”倡议合法化的话语策略。这项研究有助于从理论上理解一个威权国家如何从不同的立场使同样的政治计划合法化。
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