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Night labour, social reproduction and political struggle in the ‘Working Day’ chapter of Marx's Capital 马克思《资本论》"工作日 "一章中的夜间劳动、社会再生产和政治斗争
IF 1.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231219176
Paul Apostolidis
This essay offers a new reading of Marx's chapter on ‘the working day’ in Capital Volume One by exploring the textual theme of night-time work. Even as Marx emphasises how the lengthening workday enables the super-exploitation of producers’ wage labour, his depictions of nocturnal experiences highlight more forcefully the destruction of workers’ reproductive resources, capacities and relationships. Night comes to represent the contracted time, condensed space, petrified relational bonds and thwarted desires for human reproduction in a free, fulsome sense that includes reinvigorating oneself, caring for others and enjoying experiences apart from work or care. Night's role as a privileged signifier and catalyst of these changes comes through in key passages about women, children and vampires, and in theoretically meaningful variances between Marx's German paraphrasing of English sources and those original texts, which replace Marx's phrases in English translations of Capital. Contemplating Marx's ambivalent reflections on legal-political action to limit workday hours, I argue for making struggles over social reproduction in a capacious sense central to working-class politics today. I demonstrate the power of this Marxian analytic by considering the compression of social-reproductive time among today's microworkers, who fuel the digital economy by performing platform-based ‘tasks’ at all hours for very low wages.
本文通过探讨夜间工作这一文本主题,对马克思在《资本论》第一卷中关于 "工作日 "的章节进行了新的解读。尽管马克思强调工作日的延长如何使生产者的雇佣劳动得到超级剥削,但他对夜间经历的描述更有力地凸显了对工人再生产资源、能力和关系的破坏。黑夜代表了被压缩的时间、被压缩的空间、被石化的关系纽带以及被挫败的人类自由而丰富的繁衍欲望,其中包括重振自我、关爱他人以及享受工作或关爱之外的体验。在有关妇女、儿童和吸血鬼的关键段落中,以及在马克思对英文资料的德文转述与这些原文之间具有理论意义的差异中,黑夜作为这些变化的特权符号和催化剂的作用显现出来,而这些原文在《资本论》的英译本中取代了马克思的措辞。考虑到马克思对限制工作日工时的法律-政治行动的矛盾反思,我主张把对社会再生产的斗争作为当今工人阶级政治的核心。我通过考虑当今微工人对社会再生产时间的压缩,展示了马克思这一分析方法的力量。微工人以极低的工资在任何时间执行基于平台的 "任务",为数字经济提供了动力。
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引用次数: 0
Lottocracy or psephocracy? Democracy, elections, and random selection 洛特民主还是塞夫民主?民主、选举和随机选择
IF 1.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-17 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231220555
Daniel Hutton Ferris
Would randomly selecting legislators be more democratic than electing them? Lottocrats argue (reasonably) that contemporary regimes are not very democratic and (more questionably) that replacing elections with sortition would mitigate elite capture and improve political decisions. I argue that a lottocracy would, in fact, be likely to perform worse on these metrics than a system of representation that appoints at least some legislators using election – a psephocracy (from psēphizein, to vote). Even today's actually existing psephocracies, which are far from ideally democratic, are better suited than a lottocracy would be to meet the demands of democratic citizenship (politics must be legible to ordinary people, who must have low-cost opportunities to participate) and the demands of democratic leadership (powerful representatives should be specialized and constrained by competitions for popular support). Democrats therefore have weighty instrumental reasons to reject lottocracy and work to democratize psephocracy, instead.
随机选择议员会比选举议员更民主吗?洛特民主党人(合理地)认为,当代政权并不十分民主,(更值得怀疑的)是,用分类选举取代选举将减少精英俘获,改善政治决策。我认为,与至少通过选举任命部分立法者的代表制--psephocracy(源于psēphizein,即投票)--相比,托特民主制在这些指标上的表现可能更差。即使是今天实际存在的 "sephocracies"(远非理想中的民主),也比 "lottocracy "更适合满足民主公民权的要求(政治必须让普通人看得懂,普通人必须有低成本的参与机会)和民主领导权的要求(有权势的代表应该是专门的,并受制于争取民众支持的竞争)。因此,民主党人有充分的工具性理由拒绝 "乐得民主"(lottocracy),转而努力实现 "选择民主"(psephocracy)的民主化。
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引用次数: 0
Bearing witness, animal rights and the slaughterhouse vigil 见证、动物权利和屠宰场守夜
IF 1.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231220552
Steve Cooke
Animal activists sometimes engage in vigils and acts of witnessing as forms of political protest. For example, the Animal Save Movement, a global activist network, regards witnessing the suffering of non-human animals as a moral duty of veganism. The act of witnessing is intended to non-violently communicate both attitudes and principles. These forms of activism are unlike other forms of protest, relying for much of their force upon passive, non-confrontational actions. This article explores the ethical character of vigils and witnessing in order to evaluate their role in animal rights activism. It argues that the love-based ethic behind the Animal Save Movement's form of witnessing is overly demanding, overly expansive and overly deferential towards wrongdoers. In its place, this article offers a narrower account of witnessing, detached from controversial spiritual elements. Vigils and conscious acts of witnessing, it is claimed, are political acts aimed at fulfilling duties to seek justice for non-human animals.
动物活动家有时会将守夜和见证行为作为政治抗议的形式。例如,全球活动家网络 "拯救动物运动 "将见证非人类动物的痛苦视为素食主义的道德义务。见证行为旨在以非暴力的方式传达态度和原则。这些形式的行动主义与其他形式的抗议不同,其力量主要依靠被动的、非对抗性的行动。本文探讨了守夜和见证的伦理特性,以评估它们在动物权利活动中的作用。文章认为,"拯救动物运动 "的见证形式背后以爱为基础的伦理要求过高,过于宽泛,对不法行为者过于恭顺。取而代之的是,本文对见证进行了更狭义的阐述,摒弃了有争议的精神因素。文章称,守夜和有意识的见证行为是一种政治行为,旨在履行为非人类动物伸张正义的职责。
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引用次数: 0
The dignitarian return 尊严的回归
IF 1.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231216878
Matthew Wray Perry
Dignity underlies much philosophical debate, but the concept and its place in a broader theory of justice have received renewed analytic attention of late. In this article, I examine several recent books on dignity: Human Dignity and Political Criticism, by Colin Bird; Human Dignity and Human Rights, and Human Dignity and Social Justice, both by Pablo Gilabert; Contours of Dignity by Suzanne Killmister; and Humanity Without Dignity: Moral Equality, Respect, and Human Rights, by Andrea Sangiovanni. As I outline, each book develops and defends a position in an established disagreement between so-called ‘Naturalistic’ views, which hold that dignity inheres in natural properties, and ‘Conventionalist’ perspectives, which hold that dignity is socially defined. With these contemporary accounts in mind, I expose the contours of this disagreement and suggest that further work should focus on developing a hybrid conception of dignity consistent with Naturalism and Conventionalism.
尊严是许多哲学争论的基础,但近来这一概念及其在更广泛的正义理论中的地位再次受到分析界的关注。在本文中,我将对最近几本关于尊严的书籍进行研究:科林-伯德(Colin Bird)的《人的尊严与政治批判》;巴勃罗-吉拉贝特(Pablo Gilabert)的《人的尊严与人权》和《人的尊严与社会正义》;苏珊娜-基尔米斯特(Suzanne Killmister)的《尊严的轮廓》;以及《没有尊严的人类》:Andrea Sangiovanni 著的《道德平等、尊重和人权》。正如我所概述的,每本书都在所谓的 "自然主义 "观点和 "传统主义 "观点之间的既定分歧中发展并捍卫了自己的立场。"自然主义 "观点认为尊严是自然属性的固有组成部分,而 "传统主义 "观点则认为尊严是由社会界定的。考虑到这些当代观点,我揭示了这一分歧的轮廓,并建议进一步的工作应侧重于发展一种符合自然主义和传统主义的混合尊严概念。
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引用次数: 0
Political theory and the politics of need 政治理论与需求政治
IF 1.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231210779
George Boss
The theory of needs has a political problem. Whilst contemporary theorists largely recognise that politics plays an important part in many of the processes surrounding our needs, they nevertheless hang onto the notion that our most important needs can be determined outside of the political. This article challenges that framing. It does so through a taxonomy and critique of the major contemporary approaches to needs. Considering the works of Len Doyal and Ian Gough, Martha Nussbaum, and Lawrence Hamilton, I divide these into three strands: theories that attempt to avoid, solve, and improve the politics of need. Despite some major differences, these approaches share an understanding of the underlying challenges involved in discerning which needs matter. That framing, I argue, is responsible for certain intractable difficulties that leave needs theorists unable to provide the solutions they demand to the theoretical dilemma they posit. Moreover, in attempting to find those solutions, these theories end up ignoring their partisan implications. The conclusion I reach is that the political theory of needs is not very ‘political’ at all, and that this represents the root of the problem. I thus suggest an alternative, politically realist framing that conceptualises needs as constitutively political.
需求理论存在政治问题。尽管当代理论家在很大程度上认识到,政治在围绕我们需求的许多过程中扮演着重要角色,但他们仍然坚持认为,我们最重要的需求可以在政治之外确定。本文对这一观点提出了挑战。本文通过对当代有关需求的主要方法进行分类和批判,对这一框架提出质疑。考虑到伦-多亚尔(Len Doyal)和伊恩-高夫(Ian Gough)、玛莎-努斯鲍姆(Martha Nussbaum)和劳伦斯-汉密尔顿(Lawrence Hamilton)的著作,我将这些方法分为三类:试图避免、解决和改进需求政治的理论。尽管存在一些重大差异,但这些方法对辨别哪些需求是重要的这一根本挑战有着共同的理解。我认为,这种框架是造成某些难以解决的困难的原因,这些困难使得需求理论家们无法为他们所提出的理论困境提供他们所要求的解决方案。此外,在试图找到这些解决方案时,这些理论最终忽略了其党派意义。我得出的结论是,关于需求的政治理论根本不是很 "政治",而这正是问题的根源。因此,我提出了另一种政治现实主义的框架,将需求概念化为政治性的需求。
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引用次数: 0
How many worlds are there? One, but also many: Decolonial theory, comparison, ‘reality’ 有多少个世界?一个,但也有多个:非殖民化理论、比较、"现实
IF 1.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-19 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231214252
Didier Zúñiga
Contemporary political theory (CPT) has approached questions of plurality and diversity by drawing rather implicitly on anthropological accounts of difference. This was the case with the ‘cultural turn’, which significantly shaped theories of multiculturalism. Similarly, the current ‘ontological turn’ is gaining influence and leaving a marked impact on CPT. I examine the recent turn and assess both the possibilities it offers and the challenges it poses for decentering CPT and opening radical, decolonial avenues for thinking difference otherwise. I take Paul Nadasdy's critique of the ontological turn as an invitation to reflect on the methodological precepts that inform how the field frames the scope and limits of comparison. In pursuit of this, I examine the Zapatistas’ notion of a ‘world of many worlds’, which provides a way of approaching difference that captures the generative aspects of the ontological turn while avoiding the pitfalls of relativism and political inertia. I argue that the Zapatistas’ insights offer ethical guidance towards social and ecological thriving. Ultimately, my goal is to move CPT towards a more capacious form of making sense of what is out there in the world, and thus make room for better ways of inhabiting the Earth.
当代政治理论(CPT)在探讨多元性和多样性问题时,相当隐晦地借鉴了人类学关于 差异的论述。文化转向 "就是这种情况,它极大地影响了多元文化理论。同样,当前的 "本体论转向 "正在产生越来越大的影响,并对欧洲防止酷刑中心产生了显著的影响。我研究了最近的转向,并评估了它为去中心化的欧洲防止酷刑组织以及为以其他方式思考差异开辟激进的、非殖民主义的途径所提供的可能性和带来的挑战。我以保罗-纳达斯迪对本体论转向的批判为契机,反思该领域如何确定比较的范围和限制的方法论戒律。为此,我研究了萨帕塔主义者的 "多世界的世界 "概念,它提供了一种处理差异的方法,既抓住了本体论转向的生成方面,又避免了相对主义和政治惰性的陷阱。我认为,萨帕塔主义者的见解为社会和生态的繁荣提供了伦理指导。归根结底,我的目标是推动 CPT 以一种更宽广的形式来理解世界上存在的一切,从而为更好地居住在地球上留出空间。
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引用次数: 0
Cricket and colonialism: Towards a political theory of sport 板球和殖民主义:走向体育的政治理论
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231210799
Andreas-Johann Sorger
The goal of this paper is to reconceptualise the relationship between politics and sporting practice with the aim of gesturing towards broad themes that a political theory of sport could explore. Many philosophical theories of sport, including the dominant mutualist view, are internalist: they suggest that there is some distinctive logic internal to sports that must feature in the best explanation of our sporting practices. Yet, in attempting to articulate this distinctive internal logic, mutualists quarantine sport from its wider context to understand sporting practice on its own terms. This methodological decision, I argue, invites the unwarranted assumption that sporting practice and politics constitute two separate domains bearing little to no relation to one another. Consequently, mutualism provides us with an impoverished understanding of sporting practice – especially in colonial contexts. Against this view, I use CLR James' writings to show how the internal norms and rules of cricket simultaneously perpetuate an oppressive social structure and articulate the beginnings of an emancipatory political project. This, in turn, has the potential to connect debates within the philosophy of sport to questions around resistance and oppression.
本文的目标是重新定义政治与体育实践之间的关系,目的是对体育政治理论可以探索的广泛主题进行手势。许多体育哲学理论,包括占主导地位的互惠主义观点,都是内部主义的:它们认为,体育运动内部存在一些独特的逻辑,必须以最好的方式解释我们的体育实践。然而,在试图阐明这种独特的内在逻辑时,互惠主义者将体育从更广泛的背景中隔离出来,以自己的方式理解体育实践。我认为,这种方法论上的决定引发了一种毫无根据的假设,即体育实践和政治构成了两个独立的领域,彼此之间几乎没有关系。因此,互惠主义为我们提供了对体育实践的贫乏理解——尤其是在殖民背景下。与这种观点相反,我使用CLR James的著作来展示板球的内部规范和规则是如何同时使压迫性的社会结构永续下去的,并阐明了解放性政治项目的开端。这反过来又有可能将体育哲学内部的辩论与围绕抵抗和压迫的问题联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Securing non-domination in the social republic: A social republican theory of rights 社会共和中的非统治保障:一种社会共和的权利理论
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231204706
Michael Coleman
Recently, some scholars have sought to cast Marx and other socialists as participants in the republican tradition, expanding ideas such as non-domination and self-rule beyond what they had been typically conceived of as by many of the instigators of the revival of republican thought in recent decades. The ramifications of such an expansion, however, have not yet been fully grappled with in the area of rights. This article aims to remedy this by building a theory of social republican rights by drawing on both prongs of this framework. I argue that (1) rights ought to function primarily as instruments to overcome domination and that Marxist and socialist analysis identifies novel forms of domination missed by other republicans, (2) certain liberal rights are themselves vectors of domination, (3) rights are realised through active will formation in politics and the public sphere rather than being pre-political claims against these things, (4) rights should be based on a social ontology that is relational rather than individualist and (5) rights are powers that are struggled for and operate as zones of contestation rather than trans-historical principles.
最近,一些学者试图将马克思和其他社会主义者视为共和传统的参与者,将非统治和自治等思想扩展到近几十年来共和思想复兴的许多煽动者通常所认为的范围之外。然而,这种扩大的后果在权利领域尚未得到充分解决。本文旨在通过借鉴这一框架的两个方面,构建一种社会共和权利理论来弥补这一缺陷。我认为:(1)权利应该主要作为克服统治的工具发挥作用,马克思主义和社会主义分析确定了其他共和党人所遗漏的新形式的统治,(2)某些自由主义权利本身就是统治的载体,(3)权利是通过政治和公共领域的积极意志形成实现的,而不是政治前反对这些东西的主张,(4)权利应该建立在一种社会本体论的基础上,这种本体论是关系的,而不是个人主义的;(5)权利是一种为之奋斗的权力,它作为争论的领域而不是超越历史的原则而运作。
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引用次数: 0
A modern theodicy: John Rawls and ‘The Law of Peoples 现代神正论:约翰·罗尔斯与《万民法》
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231201471
Louis Fletcher
John Rawls’ The Law of Peoples has typically been read as an intervention in the field of ‘global justice’. In this paper, I offer a different and widely overlooked interpretation. I argue that The Law of Peoples is a secular theodicy. Rawls wants to show that the 'great evils' of history do not condemn humankind by using a secularised form of moral faith to search for signs that the social world allows for the possibility of perfect justice. There are, I show, striking homologies between this argument and the Christian theodicy that Rawls wrote in 1942, A Brief Inquiry into the Meaning of Sin and Faith. Perhaps more significantly, I draw out how there is, as Rawls himself appears to acknowledge, an intimate relationship between this redemptive project and Rawls' idealistic and moralistic approach to political philosophy.
约翰·罗尔斯的《人民法》通常被解读为对“全球正义”领域的干预。在本文中,我提供了一种不同的、被广泛忽视的解释。我认为《万民法》是一种世俗的神正论。罗尔斯想要表明,历史上的“大恶”并没有通过使用一种世俗化的道德信仰形式来谴责人类,以寻找社会世界允许完美正义的可能性的迹象。我指出,这一论点与罗尔斯在1942年所写的基督教神正论有惊人的相似之处,《对罪与信仰意义的简短探讨》。也许更重要的是,正如罗尔斯自己所承认的那样,我描绘了这个救赎计划与罗尔斯的政治哲学的理想主义和道德主义方法之间的密切关系。
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引用次数: 0
‘It was just a joke!’ Comedy and freedom of speech “那只是个玩笑!”“喜剧和言论自由
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/14748851231205375
Simeon Goldstraw
Debates about controversial comedy are rife in public discourse. However, despite a great interest in wider issues surrounding freedom of expression, political philosophers have had curiously little to say about comedy. This is a costly omission because in mainstream public debates, many of the worries about the potential harms of comedy are often confused or conflated, and both the defences of comedians to use controversial material and calls for censorship of such material are usually under-theorised. This paper takes a step towards correcting this oversight by explaining the potential harms of comedy and identifying who should be held responsible for these harms. By transposing existing work on hate speech, three harms of comedy are diagnosed: that it can cause status harms, that it can silence speakers, and that it can motivate violence. Using linguistic theory and the philosophy of language, the paper argues that often, it is audience members and third parties who ought to be held morally responsible for these harms, and therefore, that comedians are not usually under moral duties to modify their comedic expression, even if it is harmful.
关于有争议的喜剧的辩论在公共话语中很普遍。然而,奇怪的是,尽管政治哲学家对围绕言论自由的更广泛的问题有着极大的兴趣,但他们对喜剧却几乎没有什么可说的。这是一个代价高昂的疏忽,因为在主流的公共辩论中,许多关于喜剧潜在危害的担忧经常被混淆或混为一谈,喜剧演员使用有争议材料的辩护和对这些材料进行审查的呼吁通常都是缺乏理论的。本文通过解释喜剧的潜在危害并确定谁应该为这些危害负责,向纠正这种疏忽迈出了一步。通过对现有关于仇恨言论的研究,喜剧的三种危害被诊断出来:它会造成地位损害,它会让演讲者沉默,它会激发暴力。运用语言学理论和语言哲学,本文认为,通常是观众和第三方应该对这些伤害承担道德责任,因此,喜剧演员通常没有道德义务来修改他们的喜剧表达,即使它是有害的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of Political Theory
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