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Climate refugeehood: A counterargument 气候难民身份:反驳
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241254819
Felix Bender
This paper argues against the idea of climate change refugeehood. Drawing on political realism, it reconstructs the idea and function of refugeehood in international politics. Refugees are not the agencyless victims merely in search of rescue by states of the Global North, as the idea of climate refugeehood as a form of humanitarian refugeehood would have it. Nor are they simply a function of reparative justice, or of defending international state legitimacy. To liberal democracies, refugees are those fleeing political oppression. They hold an important political function in inter-state relations in undermining rival political systems and strengthening liberal democratic regimes, both ideally and materially. The idea of climate refugeehood collides with the role refugeehood plays in international politics, the reasons for their admission, and the conceptualization of their plight and function. It ought, hence, to be rejected.
本文反对气候变化难民身份的观点。本文以政治现实主义为基础,重新构建了国际政治中难民地位的概念和功能。难民并不像作为人道主义难民的一种形式的气候难民概念所认为的那样,只是寻求全球北方国家救援的无机构受害者。难民也不仅仅是补偿正义或捍卫国际国家合法性的一种功能。对自由民主国家而言,难民是那些逃离政治压迫的人。他们在国家间关系中发挥着重要的政治功能,在理想上和物质上削弱对手的政治制度,加强自由民主政权。气候难民的概念与难民在国际政治中扮演的角色、接纳难民的原因以及难民困境和功能的概念相冲突。因此,它应该被摒弃。
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引用次数: 0
The eclipse of solidarity: Precarious work, agency and collective action 团结的日蚀:不稳定工作、代理和集体行动
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-20 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241254817
Adrián Herranz
Precarious work is a growing and alarming phenomenon. This paper analyses two of its distinctive normative features. First, precarity increases the risks workers face, blurring their capacity for prospection and lessening their security in accessing the opportunities associated with their jobs. Second, precarious work challenges workers’ collective action capacity. I will argue that both features threaten workers’ republican freedom. I develop the second point by presenting a conception of solidarity between workers and then showing how precarious work erodes it. On the one hand, when the labour market is dualised, precarity is distributed unevenly and the risks undergone by groups of workers are different. Thus, dual labour markets create a potential conflict of interest between the preferences of different groups, insiders and outsiders. On the other hand, various economic changes hinder workers from acting based on shared purposes due to increased coordination costs. To the extent that workers’ power depends on their bonds and collective action, primarily through unions, the eclipse of their solidarity leaves them powerless and thus increases their domination. Finally, I consider various scenarios that could boost workers’ collective power.
不稳定工作是一个日益增长且令人担忧的现象。本文分析了不稳定工作的两个显著规范特征。首先,不稳定工作增加了工人面临的风险,模糊了他们的预测能力,降低了他们获得与工作相关的机会的安全感。其次,不稳定工作挑战了工人的集体行动能力。我将论证这两个特点对工人共和自由的威胁。我将通过提出工人之间团结的概念来阐述第二点,然后说明不稳定工作是如何侵蚀这种团结的。一方面,当劳动力市场二元化时,不稳定性分布不均,工人群体所承受的风险也不同。因此,双重劳动力市场造成了不同群体、内部人和外部人的偏好之间的潜在利益冲突。另一方面,由于协调成本的增加,各种经济变化阻碍了工人根据共同目的采取行动。如果工人的权力依赖于他们的纽带和集体行动(主要是通过工会),那么他们的团结被削弱就会使他们无能为力,从而加剧他们的统治。最后,我考虑了可以增强工人集体力量的各种方案。
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引用次数: 0
The political theory of techno-colonialism 技术殖民主义的政治理论
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-05 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241249819
Tristan Hughes
This paper examines an ideology I call techno-colonialism. I argue that techno-colonialism represents an attempt to selectively reproduce settler colonial practices adjusted to twenty-first century realities. This argument has implications for contemporary settler colonialism, the radical right, and climate change politics. In what follows, I discuss the techno-colonial doctrines of Nick Land, Curtis Yarvin, Peter Thiel, and Patri Friedman. These figures articulate a political theory about exploiting new technologies to escape the state and found new societies. To explore techno-colonial ideology, I focus on Seasteading—the practice of creating floating city-states to colonize the ocean––as an attempted realization of techno-colonial ideals. As I claim, techno-colonialism attempts to humanize the politics of settlement. But I argue that techno-colonialism's ambitions fail, and techno-colonialism fails to create a harmless politics of settlement. I conclude that we should be attentive to the relations of political and economic power in which such exit projects are embedded. Moreover, this paper also promotes our understanding of climate change and the radical right's politics. While scholars most naturally associate the radical right with climate change denialism, the techno-colonists illustrate another possibility. They welcome catastrophe, and see rising-sea levels as an opportunity to start society afresh.
本文探讨了一种我称之为技术殖民主义的意识形态。我认为,技术殖民主义代表了一种尝试,即根据 21 世纪的现实情况,有选择性地复制定居者殖民实践。这一论点对当代定居殖民主义、激进右翼和气候变化政治都有影响。接下来,我将讨论尼克-兰德(Nick Land)、柯蒂斯-亚文(Curtis Yarvin)、彼得-蒂尔(Peter Thiel)和帕特里-弗里德曼(Patri Friedman)的技术殖民理论。这些人物阐述了一种关于利用新技术摆脱国家统治、建立新社会的政治理论。为了探究技术殖民主义意识形态,我把重点放在了 "海洋殖民"(Seasteading)上--即建立漂浮城邦,在海洋上殖民的做法--作为实现技术殖民主义理想的一种尝试。正如我所说,技术殖民主义试图使定居政治人性化。但我认为,技术殖民主义的野心失败了,技术殖民主义未能创造出无害的定居政治。我的结论是,我们应该关注这种退出项目所蕴含的政治和经济权力关系。此外,本文还促进了我们对气候变化和激进右翼政治的理解。尽管学者们最自然地将激进右翼与气候变化否认主义联系在一起,但技术殖民主义者却说明了另一种可能性。他们欢迎灾难,并将海平面上升视为重新开始社会的机会。
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引用次数: 0
A(nother) democratic case for federalism 联邦制的另一个民主理由
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241240324
Michael Da Silva
This work offers a new democratic case for federalism, understood as a form of governance in which multiple entities in a country possess final decision-making authority (viz., can make decisions free from others substituting their decisions, issuing fines, etc.) over at least one subject (e.g., immigration, defense). It argues that leading solutions to the democratic boundary problem provide overlapping arguments for federalism. The underlying logic and many details of the most commonly cited solutions focused on those relevantly affected by and subject to decisions each support three distinct arguments (focused on voteshares, other forms of democratic influence, and persistent minorities) for multiple demoi possessing authority in a polity. Federalism is the best available method for recognizing the distinct demoi. This not only supports federal governance as opposed to unitary governance and subsidiarity. It also suggests that democracy and federalism are importantly related and have several implications for institutional design.
联邦制被理解为一种治理形式,在这种治理形式中,一个国家的多个实体对至少一个主题(如移民、国防)拥有最终决策权(即可以做出决定,而不受其他实体的替代、罚款等影响)。报告认为,民主边界问题的主要解决方案为联邦制提供了重叠的论据。最常被引用的解决方案的基本逻辑和许多细节都集中在受决策影响和决策主体的相关方面,它们都支持政体中多个民主群体拥有权力的三个不同论点(集中在选票份额、其他形式的民主影响和持久的少数群体)。联邦制是承认不同民主政体的最佳方法。这不仅支持联邦治理,而不是单一治理和辅助性治理。它还表明,民主与联邦制有着重要的联系,并对制度设计产生了若干影响。
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引用次数: 0
Stanley Cavell, John Rawls and moral perfectionism in liberal democracy 斯坦利-卡维尔、约翰-罗尔斯和自由民主中的道德完美主义
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-27 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241240310
Alexandre Lefebvre
John Rawls was what we might call a “frenemy” to Stanley Cavell. Time and again, Cavell states his admiration for Rawls's political philosophy but criticizes it for two reasons. First, he believes that Rawls too hastily dismisses a perfectionist tradition that is essential for a flourishing liberal democracy. Second, he attacks certain aspects of Rawls's theory of justice as moralistic and legalistic. The first half of this article examines Cavell's critique of Rawls and argues that the two authors are more closely aligned than suspected. It begins by reconstructing Cavell's critique of Rawls, and using archival materials from Harvard University, presents for the first time Rawls's interpretation of this critique. The second half of the article highlights perfectionist themes in Rawls's A Theory of Justice. The contribution of this article is to reevaluate the relationship between two of the most important moral philosophers of the twentieth century and also to provide a more expansive theory of liberalism that incorporates the psychological depth, moral subtlety and political hopefulness of moral perfectionism.
约翰-罗尔斯是斯坦利-卡维尔的 "死敌"。卡维尔一再表示他钦佩罗尔斯的政治哲学,但又出于两个原因对其进行了批评。首先,他认为罗尔斯过于草率地否定了完美主义传统,而这一传统对于自由民主的蓬勃发展至关重要。其次,他抨击罗尔斯正义理论的某些方面是道德主义和法律主义的。本文的前半部分探讨了卡维尔对罗尔斯的批判,并认为这两位作者的观点比人们猜测的更为一致。文章首先重构了卡维尔对罗尔斯的批判,并利用哈佛大学的档案材料,首次提出了罗尔斯对这一批判的解释。文章的后半部分强调了罗尔斯《正义论》中的完美主义主题。本文的贡献在于重新评估了二十世纪两位最重要的道德哲学家之间的关系,同时也为自由主义提供了一个更为广阔的理论,其中包含了道德完美主义的心理深度、道德微妙性和政治希望。
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引用次数: 0
Political representation, the environment, and Edmund Burke: A re-reading of the Western canon through the lens of multispecies justice 政治代表、环境和埃德蒙-伯克:从多物种正义的视角重读西方典籍
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241236055
Serrin Rutledge-Prior, Edmund Handby
A major puzzle in contemporary political theory is how to extend notions of justice to the environment. With environmental entities unable to communicate in ways that are traditionally recognised within the political sphere, their interests have largely been recognised instrumentally: only important as they contribute to human interests. In response to the multispecies justice project's call to reimagine our concepts of justice to include other-than-human beings and entities, we offer a novel reading of Edmund Burke's account of political representation that, we argue, can be applied to the environment. Burke claimed that interests are ‘unattached’ to any actual class or group, and that it is the duty of the representative to represent these unattached interests. Beyond providing an original application of Burke's work, the paper offers an alternative to the ‘allure’ of authoritarian environmentalism, an alternative which conservative thinkers may use as an entryway into debates on environmental justice.
当代政治理论的一个主要难题是如何将正义的概念扩展到环境。由于环境实体无法以传统政治领域所认可的方式进行交流,它们的利益在很大程度上被工具性地认可:只有当它们对人类利益做出贡献时才是重要的。为了响应多物种正义项目的号召,重新构想我们的正义概念,将人类以外的生物和实体纳入其中,我们对埃德蒙-伯克(Edmund Burke)关于政治代表的论述进行了新颖的解读,并认为该论述可适用于环境问题。伯克声称,利益与任何实际的阶级或群体 "无关",而代表的职责就是代表这些无关的利益。除了对伯克著作的原创性应用之外,本文还为专制环保主义的 "诱惑力 "提供了另一种选择,保守派思想家可以利用这种选择作为环境正义辩论的切入点。
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引用次数: 0
Realist climate action: Between responsiveness and responsibility 现实主义气候行动:在响应与责任之间
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-21 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241233511
Dominik Austrup
How should political leaders address the emerging climate crisis if citizens are reluctant to accept costly but necessary climate action? In this article, I address this question by harnessing insights from the realist tradition in political theory. I propose that the realist legitimacy framework provides action guidance by offering two broadly applicable heuristics for political agents: responsibility and responsiveness. These heuristics collide if citizens are unwilling to accept policies designed to secure a nation's long-term stability. Faced with this problem, some authors make the supposedly realist argument that policymakers in liberal democracies should prioritise responsibility over responsiveness and embrace eco-authoritarianism to address the climate emergency. Against this line of argument, I maintain that the realist legitimacy framework entails no such commitment. Instead, realists must emphasise that responsible climate action entails a sufficient degree of responsiveness. I conclude by sketching how this insight may guide democratic leaders and climate activists in the future.
如果公民不愿接受昂贵但必要的气候行动,政治领导人应如何应对新出现的气候危机?在本文中,我利用政治理论中现实主义传统的见解来解决这个问题。我提出,现实主义合法性框架为政治行为者提供了两个广泛适用的启发式方法:责任和响应。如果公民不愿意接受旨在确保国家长期稳定的政策,这些启发式方法就会发生冲突。面对这一问题,一些作者提出了所谓的现实主义论点,即自由民主国家的政策制定者应优先考虑责任而非响应,并采用生态权威主义来应对气候紧急情况。针对这一论点,我认为现实主义合法性框架并不包含这样的承诺。相反,现实主义者必须强调,负责任的气候行动需要足够程度的响应。最后,我将概述这一观点如何指导未来的民主领袖和气候活动家。
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引用次数: 0
Max Weber, demagogy and charismatic representation 马克斯-韦伯、蛊惑人心和魅力代表
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241231046
Xavier Márquez
Political thought has long identified demagogic leadership as one of the key pathologies of democracy. Unusually among political thinkers, Max Weber not only accepts the inevitability of demagogy in democratic politics but also appropriates the figure of the demagogue for democratic thought, praising certain kinds of ‘responsible’ demagogic leadership. This paper examines the role of demagogues in democracy through the lens of Weber's political thought. It critically reconstructs Weber's view of demagogy in terms of the kind of representation charismatic leaders can offer. Demagogues articulate images of ‘the people’ that express a group's deep values and identities. However, Weber worried that demagogues often act irresponsibly, exacerbating dangerous divisions, given their ability to overcome legal and normative constraints. For Weber, democracy requires institutions that encourage an ‘ethic of responsibility’ in leaders while also holding them accountable. Weber's partial defence of demagogy provides useful perspectives on representation and on the institutional prerequisites for responsible leadership that neither deliberative nor minimalist models of democracy sufficiently appreciate.
长期以来,政治思想一直将蛊惑人心的领导视为民主的主要病症之一。与其他政治思想家不同的是,马克斯-韦伯不仅承认蛊惑人心在民主政治中的不可避免性,而且还将蛊惑人心者的形象运用到民主思想中,赞扬某些 "负责任的 "蛊惑人心的领导方式。本文从韦伯政治思想的视角审视了蛊惑者在民主中的作用。它从魅力型领导所能提供的代表性角度,批判性地重构了韦伯对蛊惑人心的看法。蛊惑人心的领袖所塑造的 "人民 "形象表达了一个群体深层次的价值观和身份认同。然而,韦伯担心,由于蛊惑者有能力克服法律和规范的限制,他们的行为往往不负责任,加剧了危险的分裂。韦伯认为,民主需要制度来鼓励领导者的 "责任伦理",同时也要让他们承担责任。韦伯对蛊惑人心的部分辩护为代表制和负责任领导的制度先决条件提供了有益的视角,而无论是审议民主模式还是最低限度民主模式都没有充分认识到这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Max Weber, demagogy and charismatic representation 马克斯-韦伯、蛊惑人心和魅力代表
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-13 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241231046
Xavier Márquez
Political thought has long identified demagogic leadership as one of the key pathologies of democracy. Unusually among political thinkers, Max Weber not only accepts the inevitability of demagogy in democratic politics but also appropriates the figure of the demagogue for democratic thought, praising certain kinds of ‘responsible’ demagogic leadership. This paper examines the role of demagogues in democracy through the lens of Weber's political thought. It critically reconstructs Weber's view of demagogy in terms of the kind of representation charismatic leaders can offer. Demagogues articulate images of ‘the people’ that express a group's deep values and identities. However, Weber worried that demagogues often act irresponsibly, exacerbating dangerous divisions, given their ability to overcome legal and normative constraints. For Weber, democracy requires institutions that encourage an ‘ethic of responsibility’ in leaders while also holding them accountable. Weber's partial defence of demagogy provides useful perspectives on representation and on the institutional prerequisites for responsible leadership that neither deliberative nor minimalist models of democracy sufficiently appreciate.
长期以来,政治思想一直将蛊惑人心的领导视为民主的主要病症之一。与其他政治思想家不同的是,马克斯-韦伯不仅承认蛊惑人心在民主政治中的不可避免性,而且还将蛊惑人心者的形象运用到民主思想中,赞扬某些 "负责任的 "蛊惑人心的领导方式。本文从韦伯政治思想的视角审视了蛊惑者在民主中的作用。它从魅力型领导所能提供的代表性角度,批判性地重构了韦伯对蛊惑人心的看法。蛊惑人心的领袖所塑造的 "人民 "形象表达了一个群体深层次的价值观和身份认同。然而,韦伯担心,由于蛊惑者有能力克服法律和规范的限制,他们的行为往往不负责任,加剧了危险的分裂。韦伯认为,民主需要制度来鼓励领导者的 "责任伦理",同时也要让他们承担责任。韦伯对蛊惑人心的部分辩护为代表制和负责任领导的制度先决条件提供了有益的视角,而无论是审议民主模式还是最低限度民主模式都没有充分认识到这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Platform cooperativism and freedom as non-domination in the gig economy 平台合作主义和自由作为打工经济中的非支配地位
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/14748851241227121
T. Christiaens
While the challenges workers face in the gig economy are now well-known, reflections on emancipatory solutions in political philosophy are still underdeveloped. Some have pleaded for enhancing workers’ bargaining power through unionisation; others for enhancing exit options in the labour market. Both strategies, however, come with unintended side-effects and do not exhaust the full potential for worker self-government present in the digital gig economy. Using the republican theory of freedom as non-domination, I argue that G.D.H. Cole's 20th-century defence of guild socialism offers a promising avenue for enhancing worker autonomy in the gig economy. Platform companies rely on relational and structural domination to undermine worker autonomy, but Cole's guild socialism was specifically designed to enhance autonomy in the workplace. Following Cole's advice today would amount to a defence of worker-owned cooperative platforms. By putting workers in control of platform design and governance, cooperative platforms create new opportunities for worker autonomy. However, platform cooperativism faces serious challenges if it plans on becoming a realistic alternative to the traditional gig economy.
虽然工人在 "打工经济 "中面临的挑战现已众所周知,但政治哲学中对解放性解决方案的反思仍不成熟。一些人呼吁通过成立工会来增强工人的谈判能力,另一些人则呼吁加强劳动力市场的退出选择。然而,这两种策略都会带来意想不到的副作用,并不能完全发挥数字 "演出 "经济中工人自治的潜力。我认为,科尔(G.D.H. Cole)在 20 世纪为行会社会主义所做的辩护,为提高工人在零工经济中的自主权提供了一条大有可为的途径。平台公司依靠关系和结构性支配来削弱工人的自主权,但科尔的行会社会主义是专门为加强工作场所的自主权而设计的。今天,遵循科尔的建议就等于捍卫工人拥有的合作平台。通过让工人控制平台的设计和管理,合作平台为工人自治创造了新的机会。然而,平台合作主义要想成为传统 "打工经济 "的现实替代方案,还面临着严峻的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of Political Theory
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