Pub Date : 2011-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2011.568759
Terje Tvedt
Why did the British march up the Nile in the 1890s? The answers to this crucial question of imperial historiography have direct relevance for narratives and theories about imperialism, in general, and the partition of Africa in the nineteenth century, in particular. They will also influence our understanding of some of the main issues in the modern history of the whole region, including state developments and resource utilisation. This article presents an alternative to dominant interpretations of the partition of Africa and the role of British Nile policies in this context. It differs from mainstream diplomatic history, which dominates this research field, in its emphasis on how geographical factors and the hydrological characteristics of the Nile influenced and framed British thinking and actions in the region. Realising the importance of such factors and the specific character of the regional water system does not imply less attention to traditional diplomatic correspondence or to the role of individual imperial entrepreneurs. The strength of this analytical approach theoretically is that it makes it possible to locate the intentions and acts of historical subjects within specific geographical contexts. Empirically, it opens up a whole new set of source material, embedding the reconstruction of the British Nile discourse in a world of Nile plans, water works and hydrological discourses.
{"title":"Hydrology and empire: the Nile, water imperialism and the partition of Africa.","authors":"Terje Tvedt","doi":"10.1080/03086534.2011.568759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2011.568759","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Why did the British march up the Nile in the 1890s? The answers to this crucial question of imperial historiography have direct relevance for narratives and theories about imperialism, in general, and the partition of Africa in the nineteenth century, in particular. They will also influence our understanding of some of the main issues in the modern history of the whole region, including state developments and resource utilisation. This article presents an alternative to dominant interpretations of the partition of Africa and the role of British Nile policies in this context. It differs from mainstream diplomatic history, which dominates this research field, in its emphasis on how geographical factors and the hydrological characteristics of the Nile influenced and framed British thinking and actions in the region. Realising the importance of such factors and the specific character of the regional water system does not imply less attention to traditional diplomatic correspondence or to the role of individual imperial entrepreneurs. The strength of this analytical approach theoretically is that it makes it possible to locate the intentions and acts of historical subjects within specific geographical contexts. Empirically, it opens up a whole new set of source material, embedding the reconstruction of the British Nile discourse in a world of Nile plans, water works and hydrological discourses.</p>","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03086534.2011.568759","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"30176163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2011.568757
Rahul Nair
This article examines the construction of a "population problem" among public health officials in India during the inter-war period. British colonial officials came to focus on India's population through their concern with high Indian infant and maternal mortality rates. They raised the problem of population as one way in which to highlight the importance of dealing with public health at an all-India basis, in a context of constitutional devolution of power to Indians where they feared such matters would be relegated to relative local unimportance. While they failed to significantly shape government policy, their arguments in support of India's 'population problem' nevertheless found a receptive audience in the colonial public sphere among Indian intellectuals, economists, eugenicists, women social reformers and birth controllers. The article contributes to the history of population control by situating its pre-history in British colonial public health and development policy and outside the logic of USA's Cold War strategic planning for Asia.
{"title":"The construction of a \"population problem\" in colonial India, 1919-1947.","authors":"Rahul Nair","doi":"10.1080/03086534.2011.568757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2011.568757","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article examines the construction of a \"population problem\" among public health officials in India during the inter-war period. British colonial officials came to focus on India's population through their concern with high Indian infant and maternal mortality rates. They raised the problem of population as one way in which to highlight the importance of dealing with public health at an all-India basis, in a context of constitutional devolution of power to Indians where they feared such matters would be relegated to relative local unimportance. While they failed to significantly shape government policy, their arguments in support of India's 'population problem' nevertheless found a receptive audience in the colonial public sphere among Indian intellectuals, economists, eugenicists, women social reformers and birth controllers. The article contributes to the history of population control by situating its pre-history in British colonial public health and development policy and outside the logic of USA's Cold War strategic planning for Asia.</p>","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03086534.2011.568757","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"30176579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2010.503396
Ryan Johnson
Established in 1902, the West African Medical Staff (WAMS) brought together the six medical departments of British West Africa. Its formation also followed the foundation of schools of tropical medicine in London and Liverpool. While the 'white' dominions were at the centre of Joseph Chamberlain's ambitions of erecting a system of imperial preference, the tropical colonies were increasingly tethered to the future security and prosperity of Greater Britain. Therefore, politicians and businessmen considered the WAMS and the new tropical medicine important first steps for making Britain's West African possessions healthier and more profitable regions of the empire. However, rather than realising these goals, significant structural barriers, and the self-interest and conservatism this helped breed among medical officers, made the application of even the most basic public health measures extremely challenging. Like many policies emanating from Whitehall during this period, what made the WAMS and the new tropical medicine thoroughly imperial was nothing accomplished in practice, but the hopes and aspirations placed in them.
{"title":"The West African medical staff and the administration of Imperial tropical medicine, 1902-14.","authors":"Ryan Johnson","doi":"10.1080/03086534.2010.503396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2010.503396","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Established in 1902, the West African Medical Staff (WAMS) brought together the six medical departments of British West Africa. Its formation also followed the foundation of schools of tropical medicine in London and Liverpool. While the 'white' dominions were at the centre of Joseph Chamberlain's ambitions of erecting a system of imperial preference, the tropical colonies were increasingly tethered to the future security and prosperity of Greater Britain. Therefore, politicians and businessmen considered the WAMS and the new tropical medicine important first steps for making Britain's West African possessions healthier and more profitable regions of the empire. However, rather than realising these goals, significant structural barriers, and the self-interest and conservatism this helped breed among medical officers, made the application of even the most basic public health measures extremely challenging. Like many policies emanating from Whitehall during this period, what made the WAMS and the new tropical medicine thoroughly imperial was nothing accomplished in practice, but the hopes and aspirations placed in them.</p>","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03086534.2010.503396","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29198330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03086530208583147
Juanita de Barros
In 1860 the colonial government of Natal, on the southeastern coast of South Africa, secured permission to import Indian labourers under bonds of indenture. In so doing they were following in the footsteps of Mauritius and the colonies of the West Indies. For these colonies the recruitment of Indians had provided an alternative source of labour to that of slaves, who, after emancipation in 1833, disdained, whenever they could, the back-breaking work of cutting cane. A booming sugar market in Britain, with the fact that cane was well suited to the semi-tropical coast of Natal, annexed in 1843, offered some prospect of a remunerative crop to that colony's fledgling white settler community. Natal had never possessed a slave economy. Confronted by the powerful Zulu state, and with ample thinly populated tribal land available in the interior, the colonists had no hope of coercing the resident African population to submit to the discipline of plantation labour. So, enviously eyeing their neighbours in Mauritius, they campaigned for the right to import Indian labour until finally their entreaties met with success. The prospect of prosperity at last lay before this impoverished British colony, annexed with no visible objective other than to keep it out of the hands of the Boers.
{"title":"Metropolitan policies and colonial practices at the boys' reformatory in British Guiana.","authors":"Juanita de Barros","doi":"10.1080/03086530208583147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086530208583147","url":null,"abstract":"In 1860 the colonial government of Natal, on the southeastern coast of South Africa, secured permission to import Indian labourers under bonds of indenture. In so doing they were following in the footsteps of Mauritius and the colonies of the West Indies. For these colonies the recruitment of Indians had provided an alternative source of labour to that of slaves, who, after emancipation in 1833, disdained, whenever they could, the back-breaking work of cutting cane. A booming sugar market in Britain, with the fact that cane was well suited to the semi-tropical coast of Natal, annexed in 1843, offered some prospect of a remunerative crop to that colony's fledgling white settler community. Natal had never possessed a slave economy. Confronted by the powerful Zulu state, and with ample thinly populated tribal land available in the interior, the colonists had no hope of coercing the resident African population to submit to the discipline of plantation labour. So, enviously eyeing their neighbours in Mauritius, they campaigned for the right to import Indian labour until finally their entreaties met with success. The prospect of prosperity at last lay before this impoverished British colony, annexed with no visible objective other than to keep it out of the hands of the Boers.","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03086530208583147","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"28908732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2001-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03086530108583127
J Willis
In 1908 the Archbishop of Canterbury spoke in the House of Lords on the subject of new liquor legislation in the British East Africa Protectorate the territory which has since 1920 been known as Kenya. He alleged that the new law would weaken the legal restrictions on the sale of alcohol to Africans in Kenya; this, the Archbishop said, would entail 'the worst of all possible acts which could be committed by us in our dealings with the East African races the facilitating of the sale of drink to the natives'. It is by no means clear that the proposed law would have had this effect. The sale of 'intoxicating liquor' to Africans was already illegal, and the administration in British East Africa (BEA) had actually committed itself to increasing the penalties for 'the sale of intoxicating liquor to natives'. As finally passed, the new law did indeed raise considerably the punishment in terms of fine and imprisonment for a first offence of this kind; and it introduced higher penalties for subsequent convictions: two to three years' prison for a third offence. It also, for the first time, introduced a punishment of imprisonment for Africans found in possession of 'intoxicating liquor'. The Archbishop's outburst was, apparently, an ill-informed one: it may have been inspired by the agitation of missionaries in BEA, who presumably hoped that invoking the prospect that Africans might get access to liquor would assist their campaign for restrictions on licences and hours of European drinking. In this they were correct.
{"title":"Demoralised natives, black-coated consumers, and clean spirit: European liquor in East Africa, 1890-1955.","authors":"J Willis","doi":"10.1080/03086530108583127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086530108583127","url":null,"abstract":"In 1908 the Archbishop of Canterbury spoke in the House of Lords on the subject of new liquor legislation in the British East Africa Protectorate the territory which has since 1920 been known as Kenya. He alleged that the new law would weaken the legal restrictions on the sale of alcohol to Africans in Kenya; this, the Archbishop said, would entail 'the worst of all possible acts which could be committed by us in our dealings with the East African races the facilitating of the sale of drink to the natives'. It is by no means clear that the proposed law would have had this effect. The sale of 'intoxicating liquor' to Africans was already illegal, and the administration in British East Africa (BEA) had actually committed itself to increasing the penalties for 'the sale of intoxicating liquor to natives'. As finally passed, the new law did indeed raise considerably the punishment in terms of fine and imprisonment for a first offence of this kind; and it introduced higher penalties for subsequent convictions: two to three years' prison for a third offence. It also, for the first time, introduced a punishment of imprisonment for Africans found in possession of 'intoxicating liquor'. The Archbishop's outburst was, apparently, an ill-informed one: it may have been inspired by the agitation of missionaries in BEA, who presumably hoped that invoking the prospect that Africans might get access to liquor would assist their campaign for restrictions on licences and hours of European drinking. In this they were correct.","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03086530108583127","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"27124584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2001-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03086530108583126
J Bennett
Many of the social aspects of Sydney shocked us. For instance, the ramifications of the White Australia Policy. All enlightened New Zealanders of my generation detested the White Australia Policy. The teaching of pride in, and respect for, our native people the Maoris [sic] was part of the school curriculum: an inferential refusal to recognise a colour line which was extended to cover other coloured people. Indians entered freely into New Zealand and, as British subjects, enjoyed all the civil rights of whites.
{"title":"Maori as honorary members of the White Tribe.","authors":"J Bennett","doi":"10.1080/03086530108583126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086530108583126","url":null,"abstract":"Many of the social aspects of Sydney shocked us. For instance, the ramifications of the White Australia Policy. All enlightened New Zealanders of my generation detested the White Australia Policy. The teaching of pride in, and respect for, our native people the Maoris [sic] was part of the school curriculum: an inferential refusal to recognise a colour line which was extended to cover other coloured people. Indians entered freely into New Zealand and, as British subjects, enjoyed all the civil rights of whites.","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/03086530108583126","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"27246790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}