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How to Make the Moment Last? 如何让这一刻持续下去?
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222025
Niklas Plaetzer
Massimiliano Tomba’s Insurgent Universality traces a global history of revolutionary institution-building as ‘theory in action’, pushing radical democracy beyond an ontology of the political. This contribution aims to clarify the place of ‘insurgent institutions’ in Tomba’s work and suggests that an unresolved tension persists between insurgent universality as popular institutions on the one hand, and as a negative dis-ordering on the other. Exploring the promise and limitations of ‘insurgent institutions’ in light of their durability, its first part reads Insurgent Universality alongside Santi Romano, the legal pluralist whose concept of the institution Tomba adopts. Secondly, the article turns to Hannah Arendt’s understanding of authority and Miguel Abensour’s discussion of ‘insurgent institutions’ as two potentially helpful accounts of democratic practice within durational time. Where Tomba remains focused on constellations between moments of rupture, Arendt and Abensour offer a politically generative understanding of durability specific to radical-democratic institutions.
马西米利亚诺·通巴的《反叛的普遍性》将革命制度建设的全球历史追溯为“行动中的理论”,将激进民主超越了政治本体论。这一贡献旨在澄清“叛乱机构”在汤巴作品中的地位,并表明叛乱普遍性一方面是受欢迎的机构,另一方面是消极的无序性,两者之间存在着尚未解决的紧张关系。从“叛乱机构”的持久性出发,探索其承诺和局限性,其第一部分与桑蒂·罗曼诺(Santi Romano)一起阅读《叛乱普遍性》(insurgent University),后者是汤巴采用其制度概念的法律多元主义者。其次,文章转向汉娜·阿伦特对权威的理解和米格尔·阿本苏尔对“反叛机构”的讨论,这是对长期民主实践的两种潜在的有益描述。汤巴仍然专注于破裂时刻之间的星座,阿伦特和阿本苏尔对激进民主制度特有的持久性提供了一种政治生成性的理解。
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引用次数: 2
History and its Discontents 历史及其不满
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222027
V. Seth
Through an engagement with Massimiliano Tomba’s work Insurgent Universality, this paper explores the possibilities and limitations that reside at the heart of historical thinking.
通过与汤巴的作品《反叛的普遍性》的接触,本文探讨了历史思维核心的可能性和局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Temporalities, Universality and Insurgency: On Massimiliano Tomba’s Insurgent Universality 时间性、普遍性与反叛——论托姆巴的反叛普遍性
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222024
Aldo Beretta, R. Fritzl
Insurgent Universality offers a novel attempt to access history through a problematisation of the notion of universalism. Its main argument is based on three notions articulated in revolutionary events: temporalities, universality and insurgency. In this article we review their theoretical aspects, comment on their limitations, and outline potential reformulations.
反叛的普遍主义提供了一种通过普遍主义概念的问题化来获取历史的新颖尝试。其主要论点基于革命事件中阐述的三个概念:暂时性、普遍性和叛乱。在这篇文章中,我们回顾了它们的理论方面,评论了它们的局限性,并概述了潜在的重新表述。
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引用次数: 1
Unfree Labour and Value Productivity: Challenges for the Marxian Labour Theory of Value 不自由劳动与价值生产力:对马克思劳动价值论的挑战
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222071
Bryan J. Parkhurst
This paper explores the question: does unfree labour produce value? The paper does not answer the question. Rather, it contends that, no matter how Marxists answer the question, they end up either (1) relinquishing the view that labour is the only source of value or (2) appealing to an apparently bogus distinction in order to hang on to the view. Both of these alternatives will be unacceptable to the orthodox Marxian economist. For the choice is between jettisoning the labour theory of value and thus giving up on Marxian orthodoxy, or else frankly conceding that one’s orthodoxy is baseless and dogmatic.
本文探讨的问题是:非自由劳动是否产生价值?这篇论文没有回答这个问题。相反,它认为,无论马克思主义者如何回答这个问题,他们最终要么(1)放弃劳动是唯一价值来源的观点,要么(2)为了坚持这一观点而诉诸一种明显虚假的区别。这两种选择对于正统的马克思主义经济学家来说都是不可接受的。因为要么放弃劳动价值论,从而放弃马克思主义的正统理论,要么坦率地承认自己的正统理论是毫无根据和教条主义的。
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引用次数: 0
Sartre’s Engagement with Hegel and Trotsky 萨特与黑格尔、托洛茨基的交往
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20221838
Emmanuel Barot
Being and Nothingness argues that in the master–slave dialectic Hegel had a ‘brilliant insight’ contra solipsism, to the effect that each self-consciousness depends on other consciousnesses. Against Hegel, however, Sartre claims that the separation of the for-itself remains an insurmountable ‘scandal’ and that collectivity can at best exist as a ‘de-totalised totality’, never as Subject. In a confrontation with Hegelian Sittlichkeit, Notebooks for an Ethics extends this analysis to the historical modalities of the mutual recognition of freedoms. A ‘concrete ethics’ must be ‘revolutionary socialist’, centrally concerned with ‘the dialectic of the ends and means of revolution’. Finally, Sartre’s analysis of the dialectic of society and the state in the Critique of Dialectical Reason explains why sovereignty can never be the embodiment of an imaginary Subject. Sartre thus ultimately occupies a highly distinctive middle ground between Hegel’s Philosophy of Right and Marx’s critique of Hegel. A fulcrum of the argument, focused on Notebooks for an Ethics, consists in a comparison between Sartre and Trotsky’s Their Morals and Ours.
《存在与虚无》认为,在主奴辩证法中,黑格尔对唯我主义有着“卓越的洞察力”,大意是每一种自我意识都依赖于其他意识。然而,反对黑格尔,萨特声称,对自身的分离仍然是一个不可逾越的“丑闻”,集体充其量只能作为一个“去整体化的整体”而存在,而不是作为主体。在与黑格尔的对抗中,《伦理学笔记》将这一分析扩展到了相互承认自由的历史模式。“具体伦理”必须是“革命社会主义者”,集中关注“革命目的和方法的辩证法”。最后,萨特在《辩证理性批判》中对社会和国家辩证法的分析解释了为什么主权永远不可能是一个想象主体的化身。因此,萨特最终在黑格尔的权利哲学和马克思对黑格尔的批判之间占据了一个非常独特的中间地带。这场争论的一个支点,集中在《伦理学笔记》上,在于萨特和托洛茨基的《他们的道德与我们的道德》之间的比较。
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引用次数: 0
Marxist Analysis of Alienation (1973) 马克思主义对异化的分析(1973)
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222093
L. Sève
Lucien Sève (1926–2020) was one of the foremost Marxist theoreticians of the Parti Communiste Français. An indomitable opponent of both structural and humanist Marxism, his 1973 article reprinted below represents the core of his conception of alienation. For Sève, whilst the mature Marxism of Das Kapital is fundamentally distinct from the speculative humanism of the 1844 Manuscripts in placing capital, not abstract labour, at the heart of alienation, this reinforces, rather than replaces, the role of alienation at the centre of Marx’s mature thought, and hence of Marxism itself.
吕西安·施洛维(1926-2020)是法国共产党最重要的马克思主义理论家之一。作为结构马克思主义和人道主义马克思主义的顽强反对者,他在1973年发表的文章代表了他异化观的核心。对于s来说,虽然《资本论》中成熟的马克思主义与1844年手稿中把资本而非抽象劳动置于异化核心的思辨人文主义有着根本的区别,但这加强而不是取代了异化在马克思成熟思想和马克思主义本身的中心地位。
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引用次数: 0
A Defence of the Concept of the Landowning Class as the Third Class 对地主阶级为第三阶级概念的辩护
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-11-07 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20221938
F. Manning
Although Marx dubbed landowners one of the ‘three great classes’ of modern society, the most prominent Marxian and socialist thinkers of capitalism and land over the past century – from Lefebvre to Massey to Harvey – have implicitly or explicitly argued that landowners are not capitalism’s ‘third class’, and that the social relations of land are marginal or contingent to the mode of production as a whole. Through assessing the work of Marxist geographers, political economists, value-form theorists, and others who have dismissed the class-status of landowners and blurred the line between ground rent and interest, this article argues that the theory of the landowning class is fundamental to the understanding of the totality of capitalist social relations, as well as to developing more incisive analyses of struggles around housing, land, and movement today.
尽管马克思将土地所有者称为现代社会的“三大阶级”之一,但在过去一个世纪里,从列斐伏尔到梅西再到哈维,最著名的马克思主义和社会主义资本主义和土地思想家都含蓄或明确地认为,土地所有者不是资本主义的“第三阶级”,土地的社会关系是边际的或取决于整个生产方式。本文通过对马克思主义地理学家、政治经济学家、价值形态理论家等否定土地所有者阶级地位、模糊地租与利息界限的工作的评价,认为土地所有者阶级理论是理解资本主义社会关系整体的基础,以及对当今围绕住房、土地和运动的斗争进行更深入的分析。
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引用次数: 2
Revisiting the Passive Revolution 重温被动革命
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222352
Panagiotis Sotiris
Passive revolution is one of the most debated notions to come out of the Prison Notebooks. It belongs to the notions that have been used as ‘established’ descriptions of historical and political sequences. However, a reading of Gramsci’s texts suggests that passive revolution is not a ‘historical phase’ and is not limited to the historical interpretation of a particular historical period. Nor is it part of an historical ‘canon’ that would suggest that, in the absence of a ‘proper’ Jacobin revolution, the only alternative is passive revolution. Rather it points to the experimental character of the Prison Notebooks and Gramsci’s confrontation with the profound changes in state apparatuses (and hegemonic apparatuses) and practices of politics and hegemony after WWI, in particular the new ‘mass’ forms of politics and ideological interpellation, and his attempt to elaborate a strategic–theoretical thinking suited to revolutionary politics in such a context.
被动革命是《监狱笔记》中最具争议的观点之一。它属于已经被用作历史和政治顺序的“既定”描述的概念。然而,阅读葛兰西的文本表明,被动革命不是一个“历史阶段”,也不局限于对特定历史时期的历史解释。它也不是历史“正典”的一部分,这表明,在缺乏“适当的”雅各宾革命的情况下,唯一的选择是被动革命。相反,它指出了《监狱笔记》的实验性质,以及葛兰西与一战后国家机器(和霸权机器)的深刻变化以及政治和霸权实践的对抗,特别是政治和意识形态质询的新“群众”形式,以及他在这种背景下阐述适合革命政治的战略理论思维的尝试。
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引用次数: 0
‘Stretch’ and ‘Translate’: Gramscian Lineages, Fanonist Convergences in the (Post)Colony “拉伸”和“平移”:葛兰西血统,(后)殖民地的狂热融合
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222142
Stefan A. Kipfer, A. Mallick
This paper establishes a theoretical linkage between Antonio Gramsci and Frantz Fanon. Gramsci’s critical-historicist method and its relationship to humanism, his integral understanding of Marxism, and emphasis on the moment of political practice resonate with Fanon’s articulation of the subjective and political-economic aspects of the colonial question, his activistic materialism, and his dialectically humanist universalism forged through anti-colonial struggle. Establishing this linkage presupposes engaging distinct currents of postcolonial Gramscianism in relation to each other and to the philological turn in Gramsci scholarship. In turn, a Gramsci–Fanon convergence helps elucidate the specificities of (post-)colonial contexts without elevating these into a civilisational-ontological difference. Emphasising their geographical sensitivity as a meeting point, pushing Gramsci towards Fanon helps us treat the global South and imperial heartlands relationally, in historico-geographical and specifically political terms. A Fanonian Gramsci (or Gramscian Fanon) thus allows us to tackle Eurocentrism without closing doors to a counter- or postcolonial Marxism.
本文建立了葛兰西和法农之间的理论联系。葛兰西的批判历史主义方法及其与人道主义的关系,他对马克思主义的整体理解,以及对政治实践时刻的强调,与法农对殖民问题的主观和政治经济方面的阐述,他的活动唯物主义,以及他在反殖民斗争中形成的辩证的人道主义普遍主义产生了共鸣。建立这种联系的前提是,要使后殖民葛兰西主义的不同潮流相互联系,并与葛兰西学术的语言学转向联系起来。反过来,葛兰西-法农的趋同有助于阐明(后)殖民语境的特殊性,而不会将其提升为文明本体论的差异。强调他们的地理敏感性是一个交汇点,将葛兰西推向法农,有助于我们从历史、地理和政治的角度,相对地看待全球南方和帝国中心地带。因此,法农主义葛兰西(或葛兰西主义法农)使我们能够在不关闭反殖民或后殖民马克思主义大门的情况下解决欧洲中心主义问题。
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引用次数: 2
Daniel Bensaïd’s Marrano Internationalism Daniel Bensaïd的Marrano国际主义
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.1163/1569206x-20222073
Josep Maria Antentas
Bensaïd’s interest in Marranism is part of his broader interest in Jewish mysticism, read in a profane and secularised way, and of his search for new theoretical paths with which to renew revolutionary Marxist theory. ‘Marrano’ refers to the Spanish–Portuguese Jews who were forcibly converted to Christianity in the fifteenth century and who were suspected of judaising in secret. The term has been increasingly used by many authors, including Bensaïd, in a broad sense, often as a metaphor that goes beyond the study of actual Marranos to acquire a broader meaning. Bensaïd uses Marranism to think about some aspects of political strategy and, at the same time, strategically uses Marranism to approach certain debates. The Marrano is the metaphorical and metonymic figure through which he tries to think a new internationalism that simultaneously transcends both an abstract universalism that legitimates inequalities and oppression and an anti-universalist communitarian withdrawal.
Bensaïd对Marranism的兴趣是他对犹太神秘主义更广泛兴趣的一部分,以世俗化和世俗化的方式解读,也是他寻找新的理论道路来更新革命性的马克思主义理论的一部分。”Marrano”指的是15世纪被迫皈依基督教的西班牙-葡萄牙犹太人,他们被怀疑秘密犹太化。这个词越来越多地被包括Bensaïd在内的许多作者使用,从广义上讲,它通常是一个隐喻,超越了对实际Marranos的研究,获得了更广泛的意义。本萨伊德利用Marranism来思考政治战略的某些方面,同时,战略性地利用Marranim来处理某些辩论。Marrano是一个隐喻和转喻的人物,他试图通过这个人物来思考一种新的国际主义,这种国际主义同时超越了使不平等和压迫合法化的抽象普遍主义和反普遍主义的社群主义退出。
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引用次数: 3
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Historical Materialism-Research in Critical Marxist Theory
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