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The making of the Homo Polaris : human acclimatization to the Arctic environment and Soviet ideologies in Northern Medical Institutions 北极人的形成:人类对北极环境的适应和北方医疗机构中的苏联意识形态
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2274673
Dmitry V. Arzyutov
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引用次数: 0
‘Daisyfield in the crucible’: Afrikaners, education and poor whites in Southern Rhodesia, 1911–1948 《坩埚里的雏菊》:1911-1948年,南罗得西亚的南非白人、教育和贫穷白人
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2265098
George Bishi, Duncan Money
ABSTRACTThis article examines the history of Daisyfield School, an Afrikaner children's orphanage and school in Southern Rhodesia. The existence of an Afrikaner school in a self-consciously British settler colony represented a distinctive settler project within the settler state, one supported by the school’s transnational connections and one whose aims often conflicted with the state. These aims centred around the rehabilitation of poor white children, and we demonstrate how non-state institutions engaged in far-reaching interventions into the lives of children identified as poor whites. We also show how the children who were recipients of this treatment could resist it by crossing social and geographical boundaries. Challenges to Daisyfield’s regime produced a kind of solidarity between the school and state to suppress this challenge as the existence of poor whites threatened racial boundaries in the colony.KEYWORDS: Zimbabweeducationsettler colonialismAfrikanerspovertypoor whites AcknowledgementsWe are indebted to the late Ivo Mhike for his advice when we began the work on this article. We would also like to thank Ruhan Fourie for his assistance and the journal’s anonymous reviewers for their careful reading of our article and generous comments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Gustav Hendrich, “Help ons bou” – Die Daisyfield-inrigting en die impak van sendingwerk en godsdienstige bearbeiding in ‘n weeshuisomgewing in Rhodesië (1910–1948)’, New Contree 60 (2010): 2.2 Duncan Money and Danelle van Zyl-Hermann, ‘Introduction’, in Rethinking White Societies in Southern Africa, ed. Duncan Money and Danelle van Zyl-Hermann (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 11.3 For an overview of the conquest and early aspirations for this territory to be a colony for British settlers, see A.S. Mlambo, A History of Zimbabwe (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014), 36–51.4 George Bishi, ‘Immigration and Settlement of “Undesirable” Whites in Southern Rhodesia, c.1940s–1960s’, in Rethinking White Societies in Southern Africa, ed. Duncan Money and Danelle van Zyl-Hermann (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 59–77.5 D. Lowry, ‘Rhodesia 189–1980 “The Lost Dominion”’, in Settlers and Expatriates: Britons over the Seas, ed. R. Bickers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 124; J.M. Mackenzie, ‘Southern Rhodesia and Responsible Government’, Rhodesian History, 9 (1978): 26.6 A.S. Mlambo, White Immigration into Rhodesia: From Occupation to Federation (Harare: University of Zimbabwe Press, 2002); Kate Law, Gendering the Settler State: White Women, Race, Liberalism and Empire in Colonial Rhodesia, 1950–1980 (London: Routledge, 2016); Ushehwedu Kufakurinani, Elasticity in Domesticity: White Women in Rhodesian Zimbabwe, 1890–1979 (Leiden: Brill, 2019); Nicola Ginsburgh, Class, Work and Whiteness: Race and settler colonialism in Southern Rhodesia, 1919–79 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2020).7 A.S. Mlambo, ‘Building a
摘要本文考察了南罗得西亚的一所南非白人儿童孤儿院和学校——黛西菲尔德学校的历史。阿非利卡人学校在一个自觉的英国移民殖民地的存在,代表了移民国家内一个独特的移民项目,这个项目得到了学校跨国关系的支持,其目标经常与国家相冲突。这些目标以贫困白人儿童的康复为中心,我们展示了非国家机构如何对贫困白人儿童的生活进行深远的干预。我们还展示了接受这种治疗的儿童如何通过跨越社会和地理界限来抵制它。对黛西菲尔德政权的挑战产生了一种学校和政府之间的团结,以压制这种挑战,因为贫穷白人的存在威胁到了殖民地的种族界限。关键词:津巴布韦,教育,定居者,殖民主义,南非,南非,贫困白人,感谢已故的Ivo Mhike在我们开始撰写这篇文章时提供的建议。我们还要感谢Ruhan Fourie的协助,以及该杂志的匿名审稿人对我们的文章的仔细阅读和慷慨的评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Gustav Hendrich,“帮助你”- Die daisyfield - inriging en Die impak van sendingwerk en goddsdienstige bearbeding in ' n weeshuisomgewing in Rhodesië(1910-1948)”,New Contree 60 (2010): 2.2 Duncan Money和Danelle van Zyl-Hermann,“导言”,载于《重新思考南非的白人社会》,编。Duncan Money和Danelle van Zyl-Hermann (Abingdon):11.3关于这片领土成为英国殖民者殖民地的征服和早期愿望的概述,见A.S.姆兰博,津巴布韦历史(剑桥,剑桥大学出版社,2014年),36-51.4乔治·比希,“南罗得西亚“不受欢迎的”白人的移民和定居,40年代至60年代”,重新思考南部非洲的白人社会,邓肯·莫尼和丹尼尔·凡·齐尔·赫尔曼(阿宾登:劳瑞(D. Lowry),“罗得西亚189-1980“失落的自治领””,载于《定居者和侨民:海外英国人》,R. Bickers主编(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2010),124;J.M. Mackenzie,“南罗得西亚和负责任的政府”,罗得西亚历史,9 (1978):26.6 A.S. Mlambo,白人移民到罗得西亚:从占领到联邦(哈拉雷:津巴布韦大学出版社,2002);凯特·劳:《移民国家的性别化:1950-1980年罗得西亚殖民地的白人女性、种族、自由主义和帝国》(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2016);Ushehwedu Kufakurinani,家庭生活的弹性:1890-1979年罗得西亚津巴布韦的白人妇女(莱顿:Brill, 2019);6 .尼古拉·金斯伯格:《阶级、工作和白人:1919 - 1979年南罗得西亚的种族和定居者殖民主义》(曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2020年)a . s .姆兰博,《建立一个白人的国家:二战前白人移民到罗得西亚的各个方面》,《赞比西亚二十五期》,第2期。Ii (1998): 123-46;A.S.姆兰博,“有些人比其他人更白”:种族沙文主义作为罗德西亚移民政策的一个因素,1890年至1963年”,《赞比西亚》第27期,第2期。Ii (2000): 139-60;Josiah Brownell,“罗得西亚桶中的洞:白人移民和定居者统治的结束”,《南部非洲研究杂志》第34期。3 (2008): 591-10;Ellen Boucher,“潜力的极限:种族、福利和两次世界大战期间儿童移民到南罗得西亚的延伸”,《英国研究杂志》48期,第2期。4 (2009): 914-34;Baxter Tavuyanago, Tasara Muguti, James Hlongwana,“罗德西亚移民政策的受害者:第二次世界大战的波兰难民”,《南部非洲研究杂志》第38期。4(2012): 951-65。Bishi,“不受欢迎的”白人在南罗得西亚”9 .丽贝卡·斯沃茨:《教育与帝国子女:1833-1880年英国移民殖民地的种族与人道主义》(Cham: Palgrave MacMillan出版社,2019)这种冲突并不新鲜。Sarah Duff指出,在19世纪70年代,刚果民主共和国和开普殖民地的州政府官员对教育和贫穷白人儿童的看法存在分歧。S.E. Duff,改变开普殖民地的童年:荷兰归正教会福音主义和殖民地童年,1860-1895 (Cham: Palgrave MacMillan, 2015), 2.10这种合并植根于19世纪后期农村萧条,迫使许多阿非利卡人离开这片土地。此外,与贫穷和落后的所谓联系是英国在南非战争中征服该地区的一个方便的理由。关于南非的“贫穷白人”和“贫穷白人主义”有丰富的文献:罗伯·莫雷尔主编。 白而穷;《南非贫穷白人历史论文集1880-1940》(比勒陀利亚:UNISA出版社,1992);tiffany Willoughby-Herard,《南非贫穷白人和白人研究:阿非利卡人种族、科学种族主义和白人苦难》,《新政治科学》第29期。4 (2007): 479-500;杰里米·希金斯,“一个白人都不应该被允许倒下”:斯瓦格瓦和南非福利国家的起源,1924-1929”,《非洲历史杂志》第48期,第2期。3 (2007): 375-94;林迪·库尔茨,“如果没有比黑人大一百倍的白人危险,黑人的危险就不会存在”:D.F.马兰的《在种族隔离前的时代,1912-1939年贫穷的白人主义和种族的流动性》,《南非历史杂志》第65期,第2期。阿伯塞德·乔治:《塑造现代女孩:拉各斯殖民地少女时代、劳动和社会发展的历史》(雅典,俄亥俄州:俄亥俄大学出版社,2014年);卡罗尔·萨默斯:《男孩、孩子和教育:1915-1935年津巴布韦殖民地再现白人成熟》,《定居者殖民研究》第1期,第555-76.11页。1(2011): 132-53。Sarah E. Duff,“拯救儿童以拯救国家:开普殖民地的贫困、白人和童年,c.1870-1895”,《南部非洲研究杂志》第37期。2(2011): 229-4513后者,见罗伯·莫雷尔,从男孩到绅士:殖民地纳塔尔定居者的男子气概,1880-1920(比勒陀利亚:UNISA出版社,2001);丽贝卡·斯沃茨,“好公民和绅士”:1880-1910年南非学院的性别、声誉和身份”,《南非历史杂志》68期,第2期。15 Linda Chisholm,“南非青年政策中的阶级和肤色:1886-1910年的威特沃特斯兰德”,《教育历史季刊》第27期,第517-35.14。1(1987): 1 - 27。16 . Linda Chisholm,《南非的感化院和工业学校:1882-1939年阶级、肤色和性别的研究》(博士论文,威特沃特斯兰德大学,1989年)詹妮弗·缪尔黑德和桑德拉·斯瓦特,《孩子的白人?》:《开普敦儿童福利政治中的种族和阶级,约1900-1924》,《儿童和青年历史杂志》,第8期。威尔·杰克逊:《不道德的习惯:20世纪20年代开普敦的不良白人女孩和责任的分配》,《南非历史杂志》,2015年第72期。李建平,“性犯罪与次常
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous nation building and native title: strategic uses of a fraught settler-colonial regime 土著民族建设和土著头衔:一个令人担忧的定居者-殖民政权的战略用途
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2267409
Anthea Compton, Alison Vivian, Theresa Petray, Matthew Walsh, Steve Hemming
ABSTRACTDespite the ongoing and destructive nature of invasion and settler-colonial institutions, laws and policies in Australia, many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander nations continue to assert their sovereignty; exercise their inherent rights to self-determination as self-defined, autonomous peoples; and pursue collective aspirations in highly constrained and contested environments. Many nations are engaged in Indigenous nation (re)building (INB). One key INB strategy utilised by such nations is to use settler-colonial policy for their own collective ends. This article analyses the relationship between a complex and highly fraught settler-colonial legal-political system, native title, and INB processes in Australia. Using the ‘Identify as a Nation, Organise as a Nation, Act as a Nation’ framework, we explore some of the actual and potential relationships between the native title system and INB. Despite the considerable harms of the native title system on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, we maintain that First Nations may be able to strategically engage in the system in a way that assists them to further their cultural and political autonomy.KEYWORDS: Indigenous nation buildingnative titleself-determinationsettler-colonialismIndigenous Affairs AcknowledgementsThanks to Simone Bignall for her helpful comments on this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Irene Watson, ‘Settled and Unsettled Spaces: Are We Free to Roam?’, in Sovereign Subjects: Indigenous Sovereignty Matters, ed. Aileen Moreton-Robinson (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2007), 25.2 Jorgensen, ‘Editor’s Introduction’, in Rebuilding Native Nations, xii.3 INB research emerges from the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development and its sister organisation, the Native Nations Institute for Leadership, Management and Policy. For an overview of the research of the Harvard Project and the Native Nations, see Miriam Jorgensen, ed., Rebuilding Native Nations: Strategies for Governance and Development (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2007).4 See Stephen Cornell and Joe Kalt, ‘Two Approaches to the Development of Native Nations: One Works, the Other Doesn’t’, in Rebuilding Native Nations, 3–33.5 Stephen Cornell, ‘Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government’, The International Indigenous Policy Journal 6, no. 4, art. 4 (2015): 1–27. Cornell has since articulated that a fourth element of ‘Purpose’ is apparent in INB processes (IPOA). The authors of this paper maintain that ‘Purpose’ is sufficiently accounted for in the IOA framework.6 In this article, we refer to Indigenous Peoples, in line with the United Nations Declarations on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. We also use the terms First Nations and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander nations to denote the political nature of these collectives, and to reflect the experiences and preferences of the nations we work with.7 Ther
摘要尽管澳大利亚的入侵和移民-殖民制度、法律和政策具有持续的破坏性,但许多原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民仍在坚持自己的主权;作为自我界定的自治人民行使其固有的自决权利;在高度受限和竞争激烈的环境中追求集体愿望。许多国家都在进行土著民族(再)建设。这些国家采用的一项关键国际移民组织战略是利用移民-殖民政策来实现它们自己的集体目的。本文分析了澳大利亚复杂且令人担忧的移民-殖民法律-政治体系、土著所有权和移民安置程序之间的关系。利用“作为一个国家的认同,作为一个国家的组织,作为一个国家的行动”的框架,我们探索了一些实际的和潜在的土著所有权制度和INB之间的关系。尽管土著所有权制度对土著和托雷斯海峡岛民造成了相当大的伤害,但我们认为,第一民族或许能够以一种帮助他们进一步实现文化和政治自治的方式,从战略上参与该制度。关键词:土著民族建设;土著部落;自决;定居者;殖民主义;土著事务感谢西蒙娜·比格纳尔对本文的有益评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1艾琳·沃森:《定居与未定居的空间:我们可以自由漫游吗?》,《主权主题:土著主权问题》,艾琳·莫顿-罗宾逊主编(悉尼:Allen & Unwin出版社,2007年);25.2乔根森,《编辑导言》,《重建土著民族》,第12卷第3页INB的研究来自哈佛美洲印第安人经济发展项目及其姊妹组织——土著民族领导、管理和政策研究所。有关哈佛项目和土著民族研究的概述,请参阅Miriam Jorgensen主编的《重建土著民族:治理与发展战略》(图森:亚利桑那大学出版社,2007年)参见Stephen Cornell和Joe Kalt,“土著民族发展的两种方法:一种有效,另一种不起作用”,见《重建土著民族》第3-33.5期Stephen Cornell,“土著民族的过程:自治的土著政治”,《国际土著政策杂志》第6期。4、艺术。4(2015): 1-27。康奈尔后来明确指出,“目的”的第四个要素在INB过程(IPOA)中很明显。本文的作者认为,“目的”在IOA框架中得到了充分的考虑在本文中,我们根据《联合国土著人民权利宣言》提到土著人民。我们还使用“第一民族”、“土著居民”和“托雷斯海峡岛民”等术语来表示这些集体的政治性质,并反映与我们合作的国家的经验和偏好关于移民殖民主义的全球形成和原则,有大量的文献。有关概述,请参阅帕特里克·沃尔夫,“移民殖民主义和土著的消除”,《种族灭绝研究杂志》第8期。4 (2006): 387-409;洛伦佐·维拉西尼,《移民殖民研究介绍》,《移民殖民研究》第1期,第2期。1(2011): 1 - 12.8见Daryle Rigney, Simone Bignall, Alison Vivian和Steve Hemming,土著民族建设和健康与福祉的政治决定因素(墨尔本:Lowitja, 2022);还有Michael J. Chandler和Christopher E. Lalonde 2008,“文化连续性作为加拿大第一民族自杀风险的调节因素”,在愈合传统中:加拿大土著人民的心理健康,Laurence Kirmayer和Gail Valaskakis编辑(温哥华:不列颠哥伦比亚大学出版社,2009),221-48.9土著和解委员会,一起走:第一步(堪培拉:澳大利亚政府印刷服务,1994),4.10的概述,见帕特里克·沃尔夫的开创性文本,移民殖民主义和人类学的转变:一个民族志事件的政治和诗学(伦敦:卡塞尔,1999)。有证据表明,该州对待原住民的态度可能正在转变。2022年,澳大利亚工党政府承诺遵守2017年《发自内心的乌鲁鲁声明》,该声明呼吁将原住民的声音写入宪法;澳大利亚政府与原住民之间的协议制定过程;还有一个说真话的过程。目前提出的澳大利亚宪法修正案旨在使土著人能够向议会发出声音,其中包括“承认”“第一民族”。参见Uluru声明2023,“土著和托雷斯海峡岛民声音的设计原则”,https://ulurustatement.org/education/design-principles/。 20诺埃尔·皮尔森,“普通法上的土著所有权概念”,《澳大利亚人文评论》第5期(1997):http://australianhumanitiesreview.org/1997/03/01/the-concept-of-native-title-at-common-law/(访问日期:2023年3月17日)。参见Shaunnagh Dorsett和Shaun McVeigh,“法律的行为:土著所有权、责任和司法思维的一些限制”,墨尔本大学法律评论36(2012):470-93.21参见,例如Aileen morton - robinson,《白人占有:财产、权力和土著主权》(明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2015);关于全球分析,J. Kēhaulani Kauanui,“一个结构,而不是一个事件”:定居者殖民主义和持久的土著”,第5期。1 (2016);和奥德拉·辛普森,莫霍克打断:跨越移民州边界的政治生活(达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2014年)国家土著权利委员会,“当前申请”,http://www.nntt.gov.au/Pages/Statistics.aspx(查看于2023年8月14日);关于PBCs的规模和位置分析,请参见澳大利亚土著和托雷斯海峡岛民研究所(AIATSIS),“规定机构企业国家快照”,https://nativetitle.org.au/learn/role-and-function-pbc/pbc-national-snapshot(查看于2023年8月15日)这是在马波时期提出的。正如Stephen Young所写的那样,土著头衔是一个“掩盖的殖民过程……是朝着正确方向迈出的务实、合理和进步的一步”。参见Young,“作为流离失所的调解人的土著头衔”,《新南威尔士大学法律杂志》第44期,第2期。最突出的是帕特里克·沃尔夫在他1996年的开创性文章“定居者殖民主义”。参见Stewart Motha,“澳大利亚“后殖民”主权的失败”,《澳大利亚女权主义法律杂志》第22期。1 (2005): 107-25;本·西尔弗斯坦,“淹没主权:合并历史中的土著所有权”,在主权:可能性的前沿,编辑朱莉·埃文斯等人(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2013),60-85;以及最近的一些分析,如凯瑟琳·豪利特和丽贝卡·劳伦斯,“积累矿产和剥夺土著澳大利亚人:作为定居者-殖民主义的土著所有权承认”,《对跖》第51期。3 (2019): 818-37;和杨,“作为流离失所的调解人的土著头衔”,1739-69.25见Jorgensen等人,“是的,时间就是现在”,131-4.26见例如,Pamela McGrath,“权利的工作:土著头衔劳工的性质”,参与土著经济:辩论不同的方法,编辑。Will Sanders(堪培拉:澳大利亚国立大学出版社,2016),251-63;和亚历山大·佩奇,“新家长制中的脆弱地位:澳大利亚“进步”时代的土著社区组织”,在新自由主义国家,承认和土著权利:新想象的新家长制,迪德雷·霍华德-瓦格纳等人(堪培拉:澳大利亚国立大学出
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引用次数: 0
‘On this project depends the glory of Palestine’: childhood and modern futures at the Ramallah clinic “巴勒斯坦的荣耀取决于这个项目”:拉马拉诊所的童年和现代未来
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2265097
Julia R. Shatz
ABSTRACTIn 1925, one of the first infant welfare clinics to specifically serve Arab children in Palestine opened in the city of Ramallah. This article examines how that institution brought together various political ideologies that used the Palestinian child’s body as a vehicle for a modern future. The clinic targeted poor children and mothers in an attempt to eradicate local knowledge and indigenous practices of infant care in the name of progress and science. Supported and funded by American missionaries, Palestinian philanthropists, local medical practitioners, colonial administrators, and Zionist health organizations, it produced conceptions of modern Palestinian childhood at the intersections of Zionist settler colonialism, interwar global humanitarianism, and indigenous political claims. The Ramallah clinic, along with other infant welfare projects in Palestine, offers a complicated view of the on-the-ground operation of settler colonial projects and the role of children within them. Based on a study of the different constituencies involved in opening the clinic, this article argues that discourses of infant health became means for articulating different – and sometimes opposing – political futures. In doing so, this article illuminates how settler colonialism interacted with, shaped, and was shaped by other local and global forms of coloniality as well as resistance to colonial structures.KEYWORDS: PalestineMandateZionisminfant welfaresettler colonialismclinicschildren Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Ramallah Infant Welfare Scheme, Israel State Archive (ISA) Record Group 10/M 6597/2.2 The war impacted Palestine in a variety of ways. Effects of a locust infestation in 1915 were exacerbated by Ottoman wartime supply requisitions, resulting in devastating famine conditions across the Eastern Mediterranean. Multiple military occupations (Ottoman, German, and subsequently, British) as well as direct military engagement in several Palestinian cities damaged infrastructure and industries and conscription into the military or Ottoman labor corps disrupted family structures and incomes. Salim Tamari, Year of the Locust: A Soldier’s Diary and the Erasure of Palestine’s Ottoman Past (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2011); Zackary Foster, ‘The 1915 Locust Attack in Syria and Palestine and its Role in the Famine During the First World War’, Middle Eastern Studies 51, no. 3 (May 2015): 370–94; Abigail Jacobson, ‘A City Living Through Crisis: Jerusalem During World War I’, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 36, no. 1 (2009): 73–92.3 Sherene Seikaly, Men of Capital: Scarcity and Economy in Mandate Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016), 5.4 Patrick Wolfe, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’, Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (December 2006).5 Wolfe, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’, 388. The infant welfare clini
1925年,第一家专门为巴勒斯坦阿拉伯儿童服务的婴儿福利诊所之一在拉马拉市开业。本文探讨该机构如何将各种政治意识形态结合在一起,利用巴勒斯坦儿童的身体作为实现现代未来的工具。该诊所以贫困儿童和母亲为目标,试图以进步和科学的名义根除当地的婴儿护理知识和土著做法。在美国传教士、巴勒斯坦慈善家、当地医生、殖民地管理者和犹太复国主义卫生组织的支持和资助下,它产生了关于犹太复国主义定居者殖民主义、两次世界大战之间的全球人道主义和土著政治主张的交叉点上的现代巴勒斯坦儿童的概念。拉马拉诊所与巴勒斯坦的其他婴儿福利项目一起,对移民殖民项目的实地运作和儿童在其中的作用提供了一个复杂的观点。基于对参与开设诊所的不同选区的研究,本文认为,婴儿健康的话语成为阐明不同的——有时是对立的——政治未来的手段。在此过程中,本文阐明了定居者殖民主义是如何与其他地方和全球形式的殖民主义以及对殖民结构的抵抗相互作用、形成并被形成的。关键词:巴勒斯坦、犹太复国主义、犹太复国主义、福利定居者、殖民主义、临床儿童披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1拉马拉婴儿福利计划,以色列国家档案馆(ISA)记录组10/M 6597/2.2战争以各种方式影响了巴勒斯坦。1915年一场蝗灾的影响因奥斯曼帝国战时的物资征用而加剧,导致整个东地中海地区陷入毁灭性的饥荒。多次军事占领(奥斯曼、德国和随后的英国)以及对几个巴勒斯坦城市的直接军事介入破坏了基础设施和工业,征兵进入军队或奥斯曼劳工队破坏了家庭结构和收入。萨利姆·塔马里:《蝗虫年:一名士兵的日记与巴勒斯坦奥斯曼帝国历史的抹去》(加州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2011);扎卡里·福斯特,《1915年叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的蝗灾及其在第一次世界大战期间饥荒中的作用》,《中东研究》51期,第2期。3(2015年5月):370-94;阿比盖尔·雅各布森,《一个经历危机的城市:第一次世界大战期间的耶路撒冷》,《英国中东研究杂志》,第36期。1 (2009): 73-92.3 Sherene seikely,《资本人:托管巴勒斯坦的稀缺与经济》(斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2016),5.4 Patrick Wolfe,《定居者殖民主义与土著的消除》,《种族灭绝研究杂志》第8期,第73-92.3页。4(2006年12月)沃尔夫,<移民殖民主义和土著的消灭>,388。婴儿福利诊所的运作方式与其他移民殖民地环境中的寄宿学校或教会类似伊曼纽尔·科恩博士,“哈达萨在巴勒斯坦的产科和婴儿福利”,犹太历史中心(CJH)哈达萨医疗组织(HMO)记录组2盒72.7见Erica Simmons,哈达萨和犹太复国主义项目(兰哈姆,医学博士:Rowman & Littlefield, 2006);Dafna Hirsch,“我们在这里是为了把西方,不仅仅是为了我们自己”:犹太复国主义西方主义和托管巴勒斯坦的卫生话语,《国际中东研究杂志》41 (2009):577-94;塔米·拉齐,《移民及其不满:在特拉维夫托管地的心理卫生诊所治疗儿童》,《现代犹太研究杂志》11期。Rana Barakat,“书写/纠正巴勒斯坦研究:定居者殖民主义、土著主权与抵制记忆的幽灵”,《定居者殖民研究》第8期,2012。3 (2018): 350.9 Katherine Natanel,“影响、过度与巴勒斯坦/以色列定居者殖民主义”,《定居者殖民研究》(2022):12。婴儿福利委员会会议纪要,1924年8月,ISA/RG 10/M 6597/2.11 1920-1921年,巴勒斯坦卫生部的婴儿死亡率为农村每千名活产婴儿死亡123.3人,城镇每千名活产婴儿死亡209.6人。关于巴勒斯坦行政当局的报告,1920年7月至1921年12月,载于《巴勒斯坦和外约旦行政当局报告》第1卷:1918-1924年,大不列颠:档案版,1995年5月12日。
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Fragments of multi-layered settler colonialism: mixed-race children in Japanese schooling, the American Philippines, 1924–1945 多层殖民主义的碎片:日本学校的混血儿,美属菲律宾,1924-1945
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2265094
Eri Kitada
ABSTRACTThis article examines Japanese schools in Davao Province, the American Philippines, by highlighting the mixed-race children born to Japanese fathers and Filipino mothers. How did mixed-race children experience Japanese schooling in the Philippines, in which Japan’s settler colonial project operated in a colonial territory of the U.S. empire? I call entangled conditions, such as Davao on the island of Mindanao, ‘multi-layered settler colonialism.’ In Davao, the settler colonial projects of the U.S. and Japanese empires developed co-constitutively by underlining the subjugation of tribal Filipinos to Christian Filipinos and displacing the former. By following Black and postcolonial feminist method and patching together archival fragments of different genres and locations, I uncover the perspectives of mixed-race students in the history of multi-layered settler colonialism. I argue that the goals of Japanese education in the Philippines, a product of the public and private collusion, both conflicted with and reinforced American colonial education which was also developed by state and nonstate actors. I also show that the diverse experiences of mixed-race children and their mothers contested the stated goals of American colonial and Japanese education by illuminating the multi-layered nature of settler colonialism.KEYWORDS: Mixed-racechildreneducationdiasporasettler colonialismthe PhilippinesJapanese empireU.S. empireDavaoMindanao AcknowledgementsI gratefully acknowledge the many insightful comments I received from various scholars at conferences and workshops, including the 18th Annual International Conference in Japanese Studies (in Davao!), the Japanese Empire and Mobility Working Group, the 12th International Convention of Asia Scholars, the 2021 American Studies Association Annual Meeting, the 75th Global Japan Studies Seminar at the University of Tokyo, and the workshop for this special issue organized by Rebecca Swartz and Felicity Jensz. I also wish to thank the anonymous referees of the Settler Colonial Studies for their generous and helpful suggestions. Last but not least, this article has benefitted immensely from my education and training with Chie Ikeya and Jennifer Mittelstadt. All errors and omissions are my own.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 No date, ‘Re-Mariwanay Case’, Mariwanay in ‘Series 6: Davao Land Case’, Jose P. Laurel Foundation in Manila, the Philippines; ‘Statement (Estrella Macasaet Tan)’, March 16, 2013, 1, in the possession of Philippine Nikkei-jin Legal Support Center, Tokyo, Japan.2 Some scholars have been skeptical of terms ‘race’ and ‘mixed race’ because of their legacy of scientific racism, their essentialist connotation, and different nuances in non-English languages, including Japanese and Filipinos. I use the terms, ‘race’ and ‘mixed race’, as analytic categories. On debates over the term mixed-race, see for instance, Erica Chito Childs, ‘Critica
摘要本文考察了美属菲律宾达沃省的日本学校,重点介绍了日本父亲和菲律宾母亲所生的混血儿。在美国帝国的殖民领土上,日本的移民殖民项目在菲律宾进行,混血儿们是如何体验日本教育的?我把像棉兰老岛上的达沃这样的纠缠状态称为“多层定居者殖民主义”。在达沃,美国和日本帝国的移民殖民项目共同发展,强调菲律宾部落对菲律宾基督徒的征服,取代了前者。通过遵循黑人和后殖民女性主义的方法,并将不同类型和地点的档案碎片拼凑在一起,我揭示了混血学生在多层次定居者殖民主义历史中的视角。我认为,日本教育在菲律宾的目标,是公共和私人勾结的产物,既与美国殖民教育相冲突,又加强了美国殖民教育,后者也由国家和非国家行为者发展。我还展示了混血儿童及其母亲的不同经历,通过阐明定居者殖民主义的多层次本质,对美国殖民主义和日本教育的既定目标提出了质疑。关键词:混血儿教育移民殖民主义菲律宾日本帝国美国我非常感谢在会议和研讨会上收到的许多学者的深刻评论,包括第18届日本研究国际年会(在达沃!),日本帝国和流动性工作组,第12届亚洲学者国际会议,2021年美国研究协会年会,第75届全球日本研究研讨会在东京大学,以及丽贝卡·斯沃茨和费利西蒂·简斯组织的本期专题研讨会。我还要感谢《定居者殖民研究》的匿名审稿人提出的慷慨和有益的建议。最后但并非最不重要的是,这篇文章极大地受益于我与chiie Ikeya和Jennifer Mittelstadt的教育和培训。所有的错误和遗漏都是我自己的。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1无日期,“Re-Mariwanay案例”,马里wanay在“系列6:达沃土地案例”中,菲律宾马尼拉何塞·p·劳雷尔基金会;“声明(Estrella Macasaet Tan)”,2013年3月16日,1日,日本东京,菲律宾日经法律支持中心所有。一些学者对“种族”和“混合种族”这两个术语持怀疑态度,因为它们具有科学种族主义的遗产,它们的本质主义内涵,以及在非英语语言(包括日语和菲律宾语)中的不同细微差别。我使用“种族”和“混血”这两个术语作为分析范畴。关于“混合种族”一词的争论,参见Erica Chito Childs,“全球视角下的关键混合种族:导论”,《跨文化研究杂志》第39期。4 (2018): 379-81;另见,竹泽靖子,“josh: Konketsu shinwa no kaitai to jibun rashiku ikiru kenri”(拆解混血神话和我们生活的权利),载于《金书》第3期,“Chi”no seijigaku o koete”(拆解种族神话,第3卷,杂交:超越“血统”的政治),由川岛浩平和竹泽靖子编辑(2016),8-10.3 .二战期间日本帝国的崩溃并不意味着日本定居者殖民计划的结束。参见西德尼·徐路,《日本殖民主义的形成:马尔萨斯主义和跨太平洋移民,1868-1961》(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2019),第8.4章。《亚洲移民殖民主义:从地方治理到夏威夷的日常生活习惯》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2008);院长Itsuji Saranillio,“为什么亚洲移民殖民主义很重要:一个关于批评、辩论和土著差异的思想片段”,《移民殖民研究》第3期。3-04 (2013): 280-94;朱丽安娜·胡·佩格斯,《时空殖民主义:阿拉斯加土著和亚洲人的纠缠》(北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2021年)安间英一郎:《寻找边疆:日裔美国人和日本无边界帝国建设中的定居者殖民主义》(加州奥克兰:加州大学出版社,2019);《日本殖民主义的形成》;另见内田俊,《帝国的经纪人:日本殖民者在朝鲜的殖民主义,1876-1945》(剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2011);Jordan Sand等人,“重新配置太平洋历史:来自太平洋帝国工作组的反思”,《美洲月刊》42期,第2期。3 (2016): 7;藤谷隆,《帝国的竞赛:二战期间作为日本人的韩国人和作为美国人的日本人》(伯克利:加州大学出版社,2011)。 “摩洛人”一词源于西班牙帝国的词汇,该帝国的任务是征服全球的穆斯林,并开始表示菲律宾的民族语言社区,包括Tausūg,马拉瑙和皈依基督教的个人。同时,“Lumad”一词指的是棉兰老岛的非穆斯林原住民,如Manobo、Bagobo和Tagakaulo,起源于20世纪70年代这些人的群体间政治活动关于达沃的历史,Patricia Irene Dacudao, Abaca Frontier:达沃的社会经济和文化转型,1898-1941(马尼拉:雅典耀马尼拉大学出版社,2023);Macario D. Tiu,《达沃市:从文本和记忆中重建历史》(达沃市:雅典耀大学,2005);8 .帕特里西奥·n·阿比纳莱斯,《棉兰老岛的形成:哥打巴托和达沃在菲律宾民族国家的形成》(奎松市:马尼拉雅典奥大学出版社,2000)例如,《大岛》、《Abaca Frontier》;泰莎·温克尔曼,《危险的交往:1898-1946年美国殖民菲律宾的性别和种族间关系》(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2023年),第二章;Christopher John Chanco,《边境政策与想象:菲律宾南部定居者殖民空间的再生产》,《定居者殖民研究》第7期。1 (2017): 1 - 23;Oliver Charbonneau,《文明的必要性:美国人、莫罗斯人和殖民世界》(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2020年);Jorge Bayona,“继承的命运:横跨太平洋的后殖民国家(秘鲁和菲律宾,1903-1927)的领土损失话语”,《边缘:全球亚洲研究》第3期。温克尔曼,《危险性交》;赛迪亚·哈特曼,《任性的生活,美丽的实验:社会动荡的亲密历史》(纽约:w.w.诺顿公司,2019);玛丽莎·j·富恩特斯:《被剥夺的生活:被奴役的妇女、暴力和档案》(费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2016年)例如,莎拉·斯坦伯克-普拉特,教育帝国:美国教师和菲律宾有争议的殖民(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2019);池谷彻:《缅甸的妇女、殖民主义和现代性的重构》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2011),第2章;Julia Clancy-Smith和Frances Gouda编。《驯化帝国:法国和荷兰殖民主义中的种族、性别和家庭生活》(弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔:弗吉尼亚大学出版社,1998年);内田俊,“感伤之旅:绘制日本殖民者在朝鲜殖民地的内部边界”,《亚洲研究杂志》70期,第7期。3(2011): 706-29.11萨宾·弗<s:1>斯特<e:1>克:《殖民性:近代日本的性学与社会控制》(伯克利:加州大学出版社,2003),7.12小岛正治:《日本海外学校研究:跨文化教育史视角分析》(东京:Tamagawadaigakusyuppanbu, 1999),第25页;李东勋,《在韩日裔移民社群的形成:殖民空间与心态的转变》(东京:知社,2019),第3.13章,小岛,日本知社,29;[日本移民在夏威夷的教育史:美日文化及其相遇与冲突](京都:大学书局,1997),105,111.14 .小岛,日本,24.15 .渡部修介主编,《政府指定的海外学校名单》(东京:国教学社,1982),前言,48.]《东南
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引用次数: 0
Settler colonial expansion and the institutionalisation of children in Victoria, Australia 澳大利亚维多利亚州的移民殖民扩张和儿童机构化
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2265096
Nell Musgrove
ABSTRACTRecent histories have underlined the importance of understanding the nineteenth-century gold rushes which took place in various parts of the anglophone world in relation to settler colonialism, and this work has advanced understandings of gender, race and Empire in significant ways. However, the field has yet to seriously grapple with questions about the role, treatment and positioning of children. This article will examine the Australian colony of Victoria, which was profoundly transformed by a gold rush beginning in 1851. Through case studies of three families – one white, one Chinese and one Aboriginal – the article will illustrate the complex relationships between poverty, colonialism and carceral institutions for children during the second half of the nineteenth century. These case studies allow an exploration that centres on the lives of the children and families forced to navigate an often-inescapable network of institutions, thereby demonstrating the impossibility of separating these institutions (which form the foundations of our modern-day child protection system) from the project and philosophy of settler colonialism.KEYWORDS: Australian social historysettler colonialismcarceral institutionschild welfaremicrohistory Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Anne O’Brien, Philanthropy and Settler Colonialism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).2 O’Brien, Philanthropy and Settler Colonialism.3 Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event (London: Cassell, 1999).4 Anna Haebich, ‘Neoliberalism, Settler Colonialism and the History of Indigenous Child Removal in Australia’, Australian Indigenous Law Review 19, no. 1 (2015): 20–31; Patrick Wolfe, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’, Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387–409.5 For a leading example see: James Belich, Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Angloworld (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).6 For a recent contribution to the field which uses settler colonialism as a lens for examining early twentieth-century child migration schemes from Britain to Australia see: Tim Calabria, ‘Agents of Settler Colonialism?: Childhood, Time and Exclusion in the Fairbridge Scheme, 1913–1924’, Settler Colonial Studies 13, no. 1 (2023): 133–55.7 Shurlee Swain and Margot Hillel, Child, Nation, Race and Empire: Child Rescue Discourse, England, Canada and Australia, 1850–1915 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010).8 Graeme Davison, ‘Gold-Rush Melbourne’, in Gold: Forogtten Histories and Lost Objects of Australia, ed. Iain McCalman, Alexander Cook, and Andrew Reeves (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 53.9 Charles Fahey, ‘Peopling the Victorian Goldfields: From Boom to Bust, 1851–1901’, Australian Economic History Review 50, no. 2 (2010): 148–61.10 Miller is a pseudonym because one of the d
理查德和爱丽丝·米勒,结婚证,维多利亚,1855年;维多利亚州立图书馆,墨尔本孤儿收容所记录,MS 11591,与玛丽·简和罗珊娜·米勒(以下简称MOA米勒记录)有关的论文米勒的记录是46玛丽·简·米勒,出生证明,1857年,维多利亚;罗珊娜·米勒,出生证明,1860年生于维多利亚;MOA Miller的记录是爱丽丝·米勒,死亡证明,维多利亚,186548年,内政部米勒记录玛丽·简和乔治·廷克,结婚证书,维多利亚,1879.52年。被机构收容的孩子常常充满了羞愧,因为他们认为自己道德上的失败,导致他们的家人需要把他们安置在孤儿院或国家。马斯格罗夫,《伤疤依旧》,第53页乔治·廷克,死亡证明,维多利亚,1895年;埃塞尔·梅·廷克,出生证明,维多利亚,1896.54凯瑟琳·科尔伯恩和多莉·麦金农主编。《澳大利亚的疯癫:历史、遗产和疯人院》(昆士兰圣卢西亚:昆士兰大学出版社,2003年),第55页维多利亚州公共记录办公室(以下简称PROV), VA 2840邱园疯人院,VPRS 7397女病人病例册,第5卷,275-76.56。欲了解这些机构内的情况以及殖民地对这些机构内人民的理解的更多细节,请参阅:科尔伯恩和麦金农,澳大利亚的疯狂;李安·蒙克、大卫·亨德森、克里斯汀·比格比、理查德·布鲁姆和凯蒂·赫尔姆斯,《失败的野心:邱园庄园和智力残疾观念的改变》(克莱顿,维克州:莫纳什大学出版社,2023年),第57页Rosanna Miller,死亡证明,维多利亚,18959在殖民地的记录中,中国人的名字和人是出了名的难以追查的,不仅因为人们把他们的名字英文化了,而且因为中国人的名字记录不一致。在这种情况下,同一个名字以不同的方式出现,如Taker, Teager, Teaguer, Teagar和Teker,詹姆斯的中文名字是未知的。在文章文本中,为了便于阅读,我使用了Taker,但来源的脚注记录了每个记录中给出的名称。詹姆斯的一个孩子的出生证明(伊丽莎白b.1862)把他的出生地写为新加坡,但在其他记录中说他来自厦门艾伦·法雷尔,婚姻摘录,1855年,https://www.genealogysa.org.au/(访问2023年6月26日);艾伦·蒂格,死亡证明,维多利亚,1905年;VPRS 516《女罪犯中央登记册》第25,509.61《警察法庭》,《星报》,1856年8月26日;3.62《警察法庭》,《星报》,1856年8月28日,第3期;《警察法庭》,《星报》,1856年9月4日,第3期;“警察法庭”,《星报》,1857年4月8日,2.65詹姆斯·马洛尼·蒂加,死亡证明,维多利亚,1885年;《警察:地方法院》,《巴拉瑞特星报》,1865年2月22日,第1页;《警察:东部法院》,《巴拉瑞特之星》,1867年4月16日,《警察:东部法院》,《巴拉瑞特之星》,1867年4月16日,《VPRS 516女罪犯中央登记册》,第2卷,509-12;《警察:东部法庭》,《巴拉瑞特星报》,1866年4月12日,3.69所有通过工业学校系统的女孩的行动来自:《VPRS 475》,《VPRS 4527儿童登记簿》,第2单元,450-51.70 Indelicato,“非黑即白”。71参见各机构的网页:https://www.findandconnect.gov.au/(6月23日访问)VPRS 4527,单元2,450-51.73维多利亚·朱莉娅·蒂格和玛丽·安·伊迪丝·蒂格,结婚证,维多利亚,1873;VPRS 4527,第2单元,第450.74 Ellen Teager, 1875.75,维多利亚,结婚证,1873-1886.76;VRPS 4527,第2单元,第450.77,“地区警察法庭”,《星报》,1861年11月27日;1.78“刑事法庭”,《先驱报》,1893年2月23日,第1期;“中国伪证案”,本迪戈广告人,1895年1月10日,第3期;《中国魔鬼》,先驱报,1896年7月29日,第79期。在各种文件上,姓氏既以Carewickham出现,也以Wickham出现Carewickham家庭婚姻和生育摘录,https://www.genealogysa.org.au/(2023年6月26日访问)。81“破产通知”,阿德莱德观察员,1853年10月1日,882年他们的第一个女儿的出生证明显示结婚日期为1867.83年3月11日。例如:VPRS 4527,单元25,80.84 Evelyn Araluen Corr,“沉默与抵抗:在档案内部和反对档案的土著妇女”,Continuum 32, no。4(2018): 487-502.85伊丽莎·卡瑞维克姆,出生证明,维多利亚,1869.86玛丽·安·加德纳,出生证明,维多利亚,1875。目前尚不清楚为什么萨拉在这里和她的死亡证明上都是用她的娘家姓登记的。也许她和詹姆斯已经分居了,但卡瑞维克姆家族的成员是两份文件上的线人。
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引用次数: 0
Healing from intergenerational trauma: narratives of connection, belonging, and truth-telling in two Aboriginal healing camps 跨代创伤的疗愈:两个原住民疗愈营中关于连结、归属感与真相的叙述
Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2260547
Joanne Wilmott, Jen Hamer, Damien W. Riggs, Shoshana Rosenberg
ABSTRACTAddressing intergenerational trauma caused through the impacts of colonization requires healing processes that are specific to the experiences and needs of First Nations peoples. This paper details an evaluation of two Aboriginal healing camps held in South Australia in 2021 and 2022. The camps focused on supporting members of the Stolen Generations, through a combination of First Nations and western healing practices. This paper details the framework used to structure the camps and provides an analysis of interviews with attendees. For the 2021 camp, nine attendees were interviewed before the camp and eight took part in a follow-up interview after the camp. For the 2022 camp, four attendees took part in a single time point interview. Thematic analysis of the interviews resulted in the development of five interrelated themes, focused on connections, belonging, healing, and truth-telling. The paper concludes by considering what the findings suggest for institutional change and growth in terms of future iterations of the camps, and the importance of First Nations-led opportunities for healing from intergenerational trauma.KEYWORDS: Intergenerational traumahealingStolen GenerationscolonizationFirst Nations AcknowledgementsThe research reported in this paper was approved by the Relationships Australia South Australia internal ethics review committee and the Flinders University Social and Behavioural Research Ethics Committee #4209.Notes1 Aileen Moreton-Robinson, ‘I Still Call Australia home: Indigenous Belonging and Place in a White Postcolonizing Society’, in Uprootings/Regroundings: Questions of Home and Migration, ed. Sara Ahmed, Claudia Castaeda, Anne-Marie Fortier, and Mimi Sheller (Oxford: Berg, 2003), 131–49.2 Reena Tiwari and John Richard Stephens, ‘Trauma and Healing at Western Australia’s Former Native Missions’, AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 16 (2020): 248–58.3 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Stolen Generations Aged 50 and Over (Canberra: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2018).4 Leda Sivak, Seth Westhead, Emmalene Richards, Stephen Atkinson, Jenna Richards, Harold Dare, and Ghil’ad Zuckermann, ‘“Language Breathes Life”—Barngarla Community Perspectives on the Wellbeing Impacts of Reclaiming a Dormant Australian Aboriginal Language’, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16 (2019): 3918–25.5 Amanda Kearney, ‘Intimacy and Distance: Indigenous Relationships to Country in Northern Australia’, Ethnos 83 (2018): 172–91.6 Brenda Machosky, ‘Allegory and the Work of Aboriginal Dreaming/Law/Lore’, in Allegory Studies: Contemporary Perspectives, ed. Vladimir Brljak (New York: Routledge, 2021), 190–212.7 Rod Amery, ‘Monitoring the Use of Kaurna’, in Re-Awakening Languages: Theory and Practice in the Revitalisation of Australia’s Indigenous Languages, ed. John Robert Hobson (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 2010), 56–66.8 Donna
摘要解决由殖民影响造成的代际创伤需要针对第一民族的经历和需求的治疗过程。本文详细介绍了对2021年和2022年在南澳大利亚举行的两个土著治疗营的评估。营地的重点是通过结合原住民和西方治疗实践来支持“被偷走的一代”成员。本文详细介绍了用于构建营地的框架,并提供了对与会者采访的分析。在2021年的夏令营中,9名参与者在训练营开始前接受了采访,8名参与者在训练营结束后接受了后续采访。对于2022年夏令营,四名参与者参加了单一时间点的面试。对访谈的专题分析得出了五个相互关联的主题,重点是联系、归属感、治愈和说实话。论文最后考虑了这些发现对未来营地的制度变革和发展的建议,以及第一民族主导的治愈代际创伤的机会的重要性。关键词:代际创伤治疗;被偷走的一代;殖民;第一民族承认本文所报道的研究得到了澳大利亚关系协会南澳大利亚州内部伦理审查委员会和弗林德斯大学社会和行为研究伦理委员会#4209的批准。注1艾琳·莫顿-罗宾逊,《我仍然称澳大利亚为家:白人后殖民社会中的土著归属和地方》,载于《根拔起/重新扎根:家庭和移民问题》,萨拉·艾哈迈德、克劳迪亚·卡斯塔埃达、安妮-玛丽·福蒂埃和米米·谢勒主编(牛津:伯格出版社,2003年),131-49.2。3 .澳大利亚健康和福利研究所,50岁及以上的土著和托雷斯海峡岛民被偷走的一代(堪培拉:澳大利亚健康和福利研究所,2018)Leda Sivak, Seth weshead, Emmalene Richards, Stephen Atkinson, Jenna Richards, Harold Dare和ghl ' ad Zuckermann,“语言呼吸生命”-Barngarla社区对回收休眠澳大利亚土著语言的健康影响的观点”,国际环境研究与公共卫生杂志16(2019):3918-25.5阿曼达科尔尼,“亲密和距离:澳大利亚北部土著与国家的关系”,Ethnos 83 (2018):172-91.6 Brenda Machosky,“寓言和土著梦想/法律/爱的工作”,在寓言研究:当代视角,Vladimir Brljak编辑(纽约:Routledge出版社,2021),190-212.7 Rod Amery,“监测Kaurna的使用”,在重新觉醒的语言:澳大利亚土著语言复兴的理论与实践,编辑约翰·罗伯特·霍布森(悉尼:悉尼大学出版社,2010),56-66.8唐娜·格林和大卫·马丁,“通过社会文化和环境转型维持健康的国家-健康的人的联系:澳大利亚奥鲁昆的Wik土著居民的挑战”,澳大利亚地理学家48(2017):285-309.9罗宾·马丁,克里斯蒂娜·费尔南德斯,谢丽尔·泰勒,阿曼达·克罗,德斯蒙德·海德兰,妮可拉·肖和西蒙·扎米特,“我们不想这样生活”:“错位、健康状况不佳和无家可归的西澳大利亚土著人的生活经验”,定性健康研究29(2019):159-72.10凯伦·门齐斯,“理解澳大利亚土著集体、历史和代际创伤的经验”,国际社会工作62(2019):1522-34.11莱蒂西亚·芬斯顿和西格丽德·赫林,“被盗代何时结束?”13 .《土著和托雷斯海峡岛民社区当代“儿童保护”实践的定性批判性探索》,澳大利亚和新西兰的性虐待7(2016):51-8.12。澳大利亚卫生和福利研究所,澳大利亚儿童保护2018-2019(堪培拉:澳大利亚卫生和福利研究所,2020)帕特·杜金和阿比盖尔·布雷,“澳大利亚的土著治疗实践”,妇女与治疗41(2018):97-113.14加布里埃尔·阿普尔比和梅根·戴维斯,“乌鲁鲁声明和真相的承诺”,澳大利亚历史研究49(2018):501-9.15布朗温·卡尔森,马迪日和特里·法雷利,什么有效?16 .《原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民应对家庭暴力的治疗方案文献探讨》(悉尼:澳大利亚国家妇女安全研究组织,2021)Ilse Blignault和Megan Williams,“评估原住民治疗计划的挑战:定义,多样性和数据”,《澳大拉西亚评估杂志》17(2017):4-10.17。 18 Gideon Darko Asamoah, Mahasti Khakpour, Tracey Carr和Gary Groot,“探索加拿大,澳大利亚和新西兰的土著传统治疗计划:范围审查”,探索19(2023):14-25.19愈合基金会,土著和托雷斯海峡岛民愈合计划:文献综述(堪培拉:愈合基金会,2017);Inge Kowanko, Terry Stewart, Charmain Power, Rosalie Fraser, Ida Love和Trevor Bromley,“阿德莱德都市的土著家庭和社区治疗计划:描述和评估”,澳大利亚土著健康公告9 (2009):1-12;Komla Tsey和Anne Every,“评估原住民赋权计划:家庭幸福的案例”,澳大利亚和新西兰公共卫生杂志24(2000):505 - 14.20约翰·梅纳德,“跨越“古利时间”和空间”,在每一个时候:澳大利亚和深刻历史的语言,编辑。安·麦格拉思,Jakelin Troy和劳拉·拉德梅克(内布拉斯加州:内布拉斯加州大学出版社,2023),221-8;22 .乔·威尔莫特,《健康中的和解》,公开演讲,阿德莱德,2007年5月17日。21格伦·莫里森,《歌线与断层线:红色中心的史诗漫步》(墨尔本:墨尔本大学出版社,2017)Ilse Blignault, Lisa Jackson Pulver, Sally Fitzpatrick, Rachelle Arkles, Megan Williams, Melissa R. Haswell和Marcia Grand Ortega,《为被偷走的一代成员提供集体治疗的资源》(悉尼:原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民治疗基金会,2014),第23页Andrea McKivett, David Paul和Nicky Hudson,“治愈对话:为土著社区和医疗从业者之间的临床沟通开发一个实用框架”,移民和少数民族健康杂志21 (2019):596-605.24 Carlina Black, Margarita Frederico和Muriel Bamblett,“通过连接治愈:Tracy Westerman,“澳大利亚土著人口中的文化结合综合症”,临床心理学家25 (2021):19-35.26 Ngaanyatjarra Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatara妇女理事会土著公司,澳大利亚中部传统治疗师:Ngangkari (Broome: Magabala Books, 2013).27玛格·鲍曼,《每座山都有故事:我们在乡村长大》(里士满:哈迪·格兰特图书公司,2015年),第28页Margaret Kemarre Turner, Iwenhe Tyerrtye -作为一个土著人意味着什么(Alice Springs: IAD出版社,2010).29Dudgeon和Bray, <土著治疗实践>,第30页菲奥娜·尼科尔,“超越白人美德:对澳大利亚学院批判种族和白度研究的第一个十年的反思”,《批判种族和白度研究》10 (2019).31Pam All
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引用次数: 0
Theorizing the Adivasi’s absence in partition histories: indigenes, refugees, and the settler state in Dandakaranya forest 在分治历史中原住民缺席的理论化:土著人、难民和丹达卡兰亚森林中的移民国家
IF 0.9 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2250112
Pankhuree R. Dube
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引用次数: 0
History curriculum in Arab schools: between teaching and challenging the Israeli history program in Arab schools 阿拉伯学校的历史课程:在阿拉伯学校教学与挑战以色列历史课程之间
IF 0.9 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2230040
Rabah Halabi
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引用次数: 0
Migrant culture maintenance among the Welsh in Blue Earth County, Minnesota, USA, 1870–1920 美国明尼苏达州蓝土县威尔士人的移民文化维护,1870-1920
IF 0.9 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2023.2231744
R. Tyler
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Settler Colonial Studies
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