Pub Date : 2022-02-10DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2022.2037293
Åsa Össbo
ABSTRACT The settler colonial perspective has until recently gained modest attention from scholars analysing the relations between the Swedish state and the Indigenous Sámi people throughout history. This article explores the dynamics of settler colonialism in the Swedish state’s relation to the Sámi people through the expansion of hydropower. I argue that the hydropower invasion beginning in the 1910s reinforced Swedish settler colonialism, ultimately shown in the hydropower company town of Porjus. This industrial colonialism in Swedish hydropower politics and practice with following consequences continues the settler colonial policy from the passing of the ‘Lappmarks Placat’ in 1673 when agrarian settlers of various origins were encouraged to take up farmstead settlements and populate areas perceived as uninhabited. During the nineteenth century several policies and administrative practices made invisible and devastated Sámi self-determination and land rights. When Sámi land rights had been devalued and westernised, the time was ripe for a new colonial policy, a policy promoting industrial extraction of hydroelectricity from the rivers of Sápmi – the traditional country of the Sámi people, situated in the northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Russian Kola Peninsula.
{"title":"Hydropower company sites: a study of Swedish settler colonialism","authors":"Åsa Össbo","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2022.2037293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2022.2037293","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The settler colonial perspective has until recently gained modest attention from scholars analysing the relations between the Swedish state and the Indigenous Sámi people throughout history. This article explores the dynamics of settler colonialism in the Swedish state’s relation to the Sámi people through the expansion of hydropower. I argue that the hydropower invasion beginning in the 1910s reinforced Swedish settler colonialism, ultimately shown in the hydropower company town of Porjus. This industrial colonialism in Swedish hydropower politics and practice with following consequences continues the settler colonial policy from the passing of the ‘Lappmarks Placat’ in 1673 when agrarian settlers of various origins were encouraged to take up farmstead settlements and populate areas perceived as uninhabited. During the nineteenth century several policies and administrative practices made invisible and devastated Sámi self-determination and land rights. When Sámi land rights had been devalued and westernised, the time was ripe for a new colonial policy, a policy promoting industrial extraction of hydroelectricity from the rivers of Sápmi – the traditional country of the Sámi people, situated in the northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Russian Kola Peninsula.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"115 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89055632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-10DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2022.2035576
H. Yasui
{"title":"Vegan nationalism?: the Israeli animal rights movement in times of counter-terrorism","authors":"H. Yasui","doi":"10.1080/2201473x.2022.2035576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2022.2035576","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79988265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-06DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2022.2030083
Maggie Perzyna, H. Bauder
ABSTRACT This paper addresses the ‘immigrant-Aboriginal parallax gap' whereby material connections between immigration and Indigenous dispossession are rarely examined in tandem by considering ways in which the Canadian media frames Indigenous protesters and irregular asylum seekers. Building on the work of previous studies of Oka/Kanasatake, Ipperwash and Caledonia and irregular boat arrivals of Fujian and Tamil asylum seekers, it identifies similarities in the ways that each group has been racialized, criminalized, delegitimized and constructed as the ‘Other'. Employing the theoretical frameworks of settler colonialism and securitization theory, it examines whether the same frames persist in contemporary representations using the case studies of Wet'suwet'en protesters and irregular asylum seekers crossing the Canada–US border at Roxham Road, Québec. A comparative discourse analysis finds that the media continues to frame Indigenous protesters and irregular asylum seekers as threats to the ‘rule of law' and the ‘common good'. These framings discredit and delegitimize human rights claims that challenge the legitimacy of settler colonial borders – including the right to peaceful protest and to claim asylum – turning them into threats to Canada’s sovereignty, thus necessitating state action. We conclude that this discourse has the effect of reproducing the racialized injustices and inequalities of ongoing settler colonialism.
{"title":"Threats from within and threats from without: Wet’suwet’en protesters, irregular asylum seekers and on-going settler colonialism in Canada","authors":"Maggie Perzyna, H. Bauder","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2022.2030083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2022.2030083","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper addresses the ‘immigrant-Aboriginal parallax gap' whereby material connections between immigration and Indigenous dispossession are rarely examined in tandem by considering ways in which the Canadian media frames Indigenous protesters and irregular asylum seekers. Building on the work of previous studies of Oka/Kanasatake, Ipperwash and Caledonia and irregular boat arrivals of Fujian and Tamil asylum seekers, it identifies similarities in the ways that each group has been racialized, criminalized, delegitimized and constructed as the ‘Other'. Employing the theoretical frameworks of settler colonialism and securitization theory, it examines whether the same frames persist in contemporary representations using the case studies of Wet'suwet'en protesters and irregular asylum seekers crossing the Canada–US border at Roxham Road, Québec. A comparative discourse analysis finds that the media continues to frame Indigenous protesters and irregular asylum seekers as threats to the ‘rule of law' and the ‘common good'. These framings discredit and delegitimize human rights claims that challenge the legitimacy of settler colonial borders – including the right to peaceful protest and to claim asylum – turning them into threats to Canada’s sovereignty, thus necessitating state action. We conclude that this discourse has the effect of reproducing the racialized injustices and inequalities of ongoing settler colonialism.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"179 1","pages":"71 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72434182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-02DOI: 10.1080/2201473x.2022.2032545
A. Hackl
ABSTRACT Promoting the employment of indigenous peoples has been a key strategy of economic development in settler colonial states. Israel’s framing of occupied Palestinian labour in its economy has mirrored this approach, with an implicit claim that it contributes prosperity to the Palestinians. What this false promise hides is how employment and the economic incorporation of indigenous people can become a source of ongoing dispossession in and of itself: a kind of dispossession that is driven by workers’ economic inclusion rather than being remedied through it. Based on ethnographic research among Palestinians from the occupied West Bank who work in Israel, this article explores the multiple dispossessions that result from such labour. The article explains how a neoliberal settler economy utilizes a meritocratic regime of indigenous employment to execute a colonial logic of domination. As access to jobs in the settler economy is made conditional on workers’ political docility and their continued absence from communal life, the labour regime aims to turn Palestinian livelihood and Palestinian nationhood into mutually exclusive aspirations: it strives to undermine the Palestinians’ capacity for social reproduction and anticolonial resistance.
{"title":"Occupied labour: dispossession through incorporation among Palestinian workers in Israel","authors":"A. Hackl","doi":"10.1080/2201473x.2022.2032545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2022.2032545","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Promoting the employment of indigenous peoples has been a key strategy of economic development in settler colonial states. Israel’s framing of occupied Palestinian labour in its economy has mirrored this approach, with an implicit claim that it contributes prosperity to the Palestinians. What this false promise hides is how employment and the economic incorporation of indigenous people can become a source of ongoing dispossession in and of itself: a kind of dispossession that is driven by workers’ economic inclusion rather than being remedied through it. Based on ethnographic research among Palestinians from the occupied West Bank who work in Israel, this article explores the multiple dispossessions that result from such labour. The article explains how a neoliberal settler economy utilizes a meritocratic regime of indigenous employment to execute a colonial logic of domination. As access to jobs in the settler economy is made conditional on workers’ political docility and their continued absence from communal life, the labour regime aims to turn Palestinian livelihood and Palestinian nationhood into mutually exclusive aspirations: it strives to undermine the Palestinians’ capacity for social reproduction and anticolonial resistance.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"96 - 114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91251862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-24DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2019371
Feras Hammami
ABSTRACT Diaspora and Israel Jews are increasingly engaging their historical narratives of liberation within new forms of co-resistance to the Israeli Occupation, a history that controversially has been weaponized by the settler colonial power to manifest its dispossessive policies. ‘Occupation is not our Judaism’ has become a political slogan to mobilise Jews against land confiscation, house demolitions, trees uprooting, interrogations, and the Annexation Wall. Activists are concerned about the enactment of violence in the name of Judaism, and seek to contest the establishment of a Jewish nation-state as a solution to antisemitism. Their Jewish identities are articulated on the basis of Israel-centrism, and through intersectional struggles for universal liberation. This article explores the ways in which Jewish historical narratives inform the settler colonial policies in Palestine and the counter activism in which Jews play a potential role. It focuses on the patterns of ‘co-resistance’ which emerged after the collapse of the Oslo Accords of 1993. While co-existence was propagated during the 1990s to reveal the occupier and occupied as two equal sides, co-resistance emerged as a counter narrative in which Jewish and Palestinian activists stand in solidarity against the occupation. Interviews and on-site observations in the Old Town of Hebron showed how heritage and history have been weaponized by settlers to construct Jewish-only enclaves and to destroy the social and spatial realities that signify the collective identity of the Natives. Despite the failure of co-resistance to reverse the settlement project, the interviewed activists saw it as a viable form of resistance to this project. This article explored its potential in dismissing any claim that casts the settler colonial project in Hebron as a natural return of Hebron’s Jews to their history, and to link Nakba to tikkun olam, challenging its exclusion from the moral universe of the Jewish legacies of liberation.
{"title":"Rupture in heritage: strategies of dispossession, elimination and co-resistance","authors":"Feras Hammami","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2019371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2019371","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Diaspora and Israel Jews are increasingly engaging their historical narratives of liberation within new forms of co-resistance to the Israeli Occupation, a history that controversially has been weaponized by the settler colonial power to manifest its dispossessive policies. ‘Occupation is not our Judaism’ has become a political slogan to mobilise Jews against land confiscation, house demolitions, trees uprooting, interrogations, and the Annexation Wall. Activists are concerned about the enactment of violence in the name of Judaism, and seek to contest the establishment of a Jewish nation-state as a solution to antisemitism. Their Jewish identities are articulated on the basis of Israel-centrism, and through intersectional struggles for universal liberation. This article explores the ways in which Jewish historical narratives inform the settler colonial policies in Palestine and the counter activism in which Jews play a potential role. It focuses on the patterns of ‘co-resistance’ which emerged after the collapse of the Oslo Accords of 1993. While co-existence was propagated during the 1990s to reveal the occupier and occupied as two equal sides, co-resistance emerged as a counter narrative in which Jewish and Palestinian activists stand in solidarity against the occupation. Interviews and on-site observations in the Old Town of Hebron showed how heritage and history have been weaponized by settlers to construct Jewish-only enclaves and to destroy the social and spatial realities that signify the collective identity of the Natives. Despite the failure of co-resistance to reverse the settlement project, the interviewed activists saw it as a viable form of resistance to this project. This article explored its potential in dismissing any claim that casts the settler colonial project in Hebron as a natural return of Hebron’s Jews to their history, and to link Nakba to tikkun olam, challenging its exclusion from the moral universe of the Jewish legacies of liberation.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"3 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89921083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2022.2028995
Jacob J. Sauer
ABSTRACT Setter colonialism is dedicated to the elimination of the native, not just from territory but from the past. This form of elimination comes from the mistranslation or misunderstanding of names and terms that identify individuals and communities, which the colonists then use to separate Indigenous peoples from their own pasts. Many researchers have argued that the modern Mapuche are the result of ethnogenesis in the late eighteenth century, in part from misuse of the Mapuche language mapuzugun in describing communities in the past. This paper argues that, based on ethnographic, archaeological, and historic evidence, Che is the correct autonym to use for the Indigenous inhabitants of Wajmapu, the territory comprised of southern Chile and western Argentina, before the Che themselves began using the autonym Mapuche in the eighteenth century.
{"title":"‘Iñche kai che’: settler colonialism and erasing the past in Gülumapu/Chile","authors":"Jacob J. Sauer","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2022.2028995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2022.2028995","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Setter colonialism is dedicated to the elimination of the native, not just from territory but from the past. This form of elimination comes from the mistranslation or misunderstanding of names and terms that identify individuals and communities, which the colonists then use to separate Indigenous peoples from their own pasts. Many researchers have argued that the modern Mapuche are the result of ethnogenesis in the late eighteenth century, in part from misuse of the Mapuche language mapuzugun in describing communities in the past. This paper argues that, based on ethnographic, archaeological, and historic evidence, Che is the correct autonym to use for the Indigenous inhabitants of Wajmapu, the territory comprised of southern Chile and western Argentina, before the Che themselves began using the autonym Mapuche in the eighteenth century.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"16 5 1","pages":"51 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85469733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-04DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2022900
R. Shamir
ABSTRACT This study looks at infrastructures as sites of contest between empire and settler-colonialists. It analyses the construction of Mandate Palestine's Haifa seaport and Lydda Airport as imperial projects and traces the techno-political networks that allowed Jewish settlers to build their own competing seaport and airport in Tel-Aviv during the anti-colonial Arab Revolt (1936–1939). It identifies a dialectical relationship between colonisers and empire: Jewish settlers welcomed Palestine’s intended role as an arena of imperial development but soon developed their own stakes in securing access to sea and skies. The study contributes to the scant knowledge about infrastructures in colonial settings and specifically to the little-known role of British consultant engineers in facilitating them. All in all the article de-centres the Arab-Jewish conflict as a major historical focus and instead considers Palestine through the lens of the British empire’s conception of the Middle East.
{"title":"Contested infrastructures: the case of British-mandate Palestine","authors":"R. Shamir","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2022900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2022900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study looks at infrastructures as sites of contest between empire and settler-colonialists. It analyses the construction of Mandate Palestine's Haifa seaport and Lydda Airport as imperial projects and traces the techno-political networks that allowed Jewish settlers to build their own competing seaport and airport in Tel-Aviv during the anti-colonial Arab Revolt (1936–1939). It identifies a dialectical relationship between colonisers and empire: Jewish settlers welcomed Palestine’s intended role as an arena of imperial development but soon developed their own stakes in securing access to sea and skies. The study contributes to the scant knowledge about infrastructures in colonial settings and specifically to the little-known role of British consultant engineers in facilitating them. All in all the article de-centres the Arab-Jewish conflict as a major historical focus and instead considers Palestine through the lens of the British empire’s conception of the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"30 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83447169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2008100
Andrew E. Costa
ABSTRACT As the present Covid – 19 pandemic moves through Indigenous communities in Canada, it has been argued that continued mineral extraction or pipeline construction will potentially exacerbate the virus' spread among Indigenous people residing near work camps or construction areas. Listing these operations as essential puts an onus on local Indigenous people to take part in consultation with extractive industries. British Columbia is one province that listed extractive operations as essential during the pandemic. It also recently enacted consultation protocols meant to guide concerned Indigenous communities and extractive industries on proper consultation procedure to limit Covid - 19's spread while ensuring these projects continue. Nonetheless, the paper argues that British Columbia's consultative guidelines adhere to a necropolitical dynamic through which Indigenous people are required to take part in government policy meant to limit their own independence. The Crown holds license to decide when Indigenous communities are given a reprieve from taking part in consultation and when they are obligated to participate once again. This is done without “consulting” with Indigenous peoples themselves and how they view a process that limits their logistical and regulatory strength. This paper argues that Self Determined independence is being diminished through multilayered repression.
{"title":"‘People get what they deserve’: necropolitical consultation in the Covid-19 pandemic","authors":"Andrew E. Costa","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2008100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2008100","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As the present Covid – 19 pandemic moves through Indigenous communities in Canada, it has been argued that continued mineral extraction or pipeline construction will potentially exacerbate the virus' spread among Indigenous people residing near work camps or construction areas. Listing these operations as essential puts an onus on local Indigenous people to take part in consultation with extractive industries. British Columbia is one province that listed extractive operations as essential during the pandemic. It also recently enacted consultation protocols meant to guide concerned Indigenous communities and extractive industries on proper consultation procedure to limit Covid - 19's spread while ensuring these projects continue. Nonetheless, the paper argues that British Columbia's consultative guidelines adhere to a necropolitical dynamic through which Indigenous people are required to take part in government policy meant to limit their own independence. The Crown holds license to decide when Indigenous communities are given a reprieve from taking part in consultation and when they are obligated to participate once again. This is done without “consulting” with Indigenous peoples themselves and how they view a process that limits their logistical and regulatory strength. This paper argues that Self Determined independence is being diminished through multilayered repression.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"28 1","pages":"573 - 585"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78919790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007747
Saad Amira
ABSTRACT This paper uses the concept of ‘Slow Violence’ in a Palestinian village to explore the political ecology of the Israeli settlers-colonial paradigm. Slow Violence is violence that manifests gradually and often invisibly, in contrast to spectacular violence that more frequently garners media and political attention. My research explores and maps out the structure of slow violence in Palestine, where the politics of the curtailed Palestinian National Authority and the Israeli settler-colonial enterprise converge. It addresses a significant scholarly gap as attention to these issues focuses almost exclusively on violence as a spectacle, overlooking the centrality of nature as a productive political and developmental space in settler-colonial discourse and practice. Here I focus on three aspects of the slow violence of settler colonialism and its relationship to political ecology: the unleashing of wild boars into Palestinian villages and the decimation of seasonal agriculture, the dumping of sewage waste of Israeli settlements onto Palestinian villages, and the curtailment of indigenous centered modes of production and mobility. These practices transform the meanings of security and stability for Palestinians. They have served to weaponize landscapes against Palestinian inhabitants. GRAPHICAL ABSTRACT
{"title":"The slow violence of Israeli settler-colonialism and the political ecology of ethnic cleansing in the West Bank","authors":"Saad Amira","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007747","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.2007747","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper uses the concept of ‘Slow Violence’ in a Palestinian village to explore the political ecology of the Israeli settlers-colonial paradigm. Slow Violence is violence that manifests gradually and often invisibly, in contrast to spectacular violence that more frequently garners media and political attention. My research explores and maps out the structure of slow violence in Palestine, where the politics of the curtailed Palestinian National Authority and the Israeli settler-colonial enterprise converge. It addresses a significant scholarly gap as attention to these issues focuses almost exclusively on violence as a spectacle, overlooking the centrality of nature as a productive political and developmental space in settler-colonial discourse and practice. Here I focus on three aspects of the slow violence of settler colonialism and its relationship to political ecology: the unleashing of wild boars into Palestinian villages and the decimation of seasonal agriculture, the dumping of sewage waste of Israeli settlements onto Palestinian villages, and the curtailment of indigenous centered modes of production and mobility. These practices transform the meanings of security and stability for Palestinians. They have served to weaponize landscapes against Palestinian inhabitants. GRAPHICAL ABSTRACT","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"512 - 532"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85891116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/2201473X.2021.1999008
Katie M Grote, Jay T. Johnson
ABSTRACT Indigenous Resistance to the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) garnered national and international media attention in 2016 as thousands gathered near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in protest. Increased media attention spurred enquiry concerning the representation of the Indigenous peoples leading the movement, subjecting the movement to settler assumptions about Indigenous resistance. This research employs a qualitatively-based content analysis of 80 news articles reporting on the DAPL protest. These articles range in political bias and can be categorized in one of the following groups: Conservative Bias, Liberal Bias, Mainstream News, Local News, and Indigenous News. Commonly occurring codes and themes are analysed across each category. Word count and frequency of reporting are also considered to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the media representations as they develop through time. While the non-Indigenous-led media commonly cites water security and destruction of sacred sites as the reasons for protest, the Indigenous led media also cites treaty rights, tribal sovereignty, economic vulnerability, climate change, and colonial history more frequently, indicating a multi-dimensional and more holistic understanding of the movement and the Indigenous experience. The mainstream of U.S. reporting on the DAPL protests perpetuate a reductive, one-dimensional framing of the daily struggles of Indigenous Americans by ignoring the impacts of ongoing settler colonial operations.
{"title":"Pipelines, protectors, and settler colonialism: media representations of the Dakota Access Pipeline protest","authors":"Katie M Grote, Jay T. Johnson","doi":"10.1080/2201473X.2021.1999008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2021.1999008","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Indigenous Resistance to the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) garnered national and international media attention in 2016 as thousands gathered near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in protest. Increased media attention spurred enquiry concerning the representation of the Indigenous peoples leading the movement, subjecting the movement to settler assumptions about Indigenous resistance. This research employs a qualitatively-based content analysis of 80 news articles reporting on the DAPL protest. These articles range in political bias and can be categorized in one of the following groups: Conservative Bias, Liberal Bias, Mainstream News, Local News, and Indigenous News. Commonly occurring codes and themes are analysed across each category. Word count and frequency of reporting are also considered to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the media representations as they develop through time. While the non-Indigenous-led media commonly cites water security and destruction of sacred sites as the reasons for protest, the Indigenous led media also cites treaty rights, tribal sovereignty, economic vulnerability, climate change, and colonial history more frequently, indicating a multi-dimensional and more holistic understanding of the movement and the Indigenous experience. The mainstream of U.S. reporting on the DAPL protests perpetuate a reductive, one-dimensional framing of the daily struggles of Indigenous Americans by ignoring the impacts of ongoing settler colonial operations.","PeriodicalId":46232,"journal":{"name":"Settler Colonial Studies","volume":"123 1","pages":"487 - 511"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88015018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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