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The de-professionalization of Chinese journalism 中国新闻业的去专业化
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2093237
Haiyan Wang, Jing Meng
Abstract This paper content analyzed 1584 news samples from 10 newspapers in China in 2012 and 2018 with the aim of exploring how the style of news has changed concurrent with the rapid expansion of digital media. The results showed that newspaper journalism in China is currently undergoing de-professionalization. Among six conventional indicators of professional news, three (brevity, immediacy, plurality of sources) are in significant decline, and the other three (adherence to conventional news structure, objectivity, and public orientation) are in partial decline. Such a shift can be interpreted as a decline in news quality, or alternatively, the formation of new journalism.
本文对2012年和2018年中国10家报纸的1584份新闻样本进行了内容分析,旨在探讨在数字媒体快速扩张的同时,新闻风格是如何变化的。结果表明,当前中国报业正处于去专业化的过程中。在专业新闻的六个常规指标中,三个(简洁性、即时性、来源多元化)明显下降,另外三个(坚持传统新闻结构、客观性和公众导向)部分下降。这种转变可以被解释为新闻质量的下降,或者是新新闻的形成。
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引用次数: 3
Constructing patriotic networked publics: conservative YouTube influencers in Hong Kong 构建爱国的网络公众:香港的保守派YouTube影响者
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2093238
Hiu-Fung Chung, Edmund W. Cheng
abstract After the anti-extradition bill movement from summer 2019 until spring 2020, an upsurge in pro-government YouTube channels dramatically transformed the Hong Kong digital sphere. Using social media data and qualitative textual analysis, this commentary article examines the formation of patriotic networked publics by analyzing their participants, environments, and discursive practices in post-crisis Hong Kong. While the digital space in Hong Kong remains largely heterogeneous, the emergence of pro-government YouTube influencers has not only reshaped but also arguably reinforced the fragmented and polarized media landscape in Hong Kong. These influencers often utilize a mixture of nationalistic, conservative, and populist orientations, allowing them to demonstrate regime allegiance, advocate law and order, and frame themselves as the voice of the people through the strategic use of journalistic language. Parallel to the content providers of the alternative media outlets of the pro-democracy camp, these newer voices identified a niche and capitalized on the opportunity for fame. Their intervention unsettles the existing dynamics of the mediated public sphere, which has long been dominated by professional journalism and liberal discourse.
在2019年夏季至2020年春季的反引渡法案运动之后,亲政府的YouTube频道激增,极大地改变了香港的数字领域。本文运用社会媒体数据和定性文本分析,通过分析危机后香港爱国网络公众的参与者、环境和话语实践,考察爱国网络公众的形成。虽然香港的数字空间在很大程度上仍然是异质的,但亲政府的YouTube网红的出现不仅重塑了香港分裂和两极分化的媒体格局,而且可以说是加强了这种格局。这些有影响力的人经常使用民族主义、保守主义和民粹主义的混合取向,使他们能够表明对政权的忠诚,倡导法律和秩序,并通过战略性地使用新闻语言将自己塑造成人民的声音。与亲民主阵营的另类媒体的内容提供者类似,这些新声音发现了一个利基市场,并利用了成名的机会。他们的干预扰乱了被中介的公共领域的现有动态,该领域长期以来一直由专业新闻和自由话语主导。
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引用次数: 1
Telegram and the anti-ELAB movement in Hong Kong: reshaping networked social movements through symbolic participation and spontaneous interaction 电报与香港反elab运动:通过象征性参与和自发互动重塑网络社会运动
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-06 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2092167
C. Su, M. Chan, Sejin Paik
Abstract Networked social movements can create autonomous communication networks supported by digital media and are often viewed as leaderless and decentralized under the logic of connective action. Nevertheless, a certain level of leadership may exist and is informally distributed among movement participants. This essay examines protest activities in networked social movements and discusses how loosely connected protests can be collectively mobilized and organized utilizing social media affordances through two forms of participatory activity: symbolic participation and spontaneous interaction. Specifically, this essay investigates the messages and chats of the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement (anti-ELAB) in Hong Kong on the public channels of the social media platform Telegram. An analysis of two million anti-ELAB messages revealed two important protest activities conducted to organize and mobilize social movements. First, Telegram users, although they varied in their usage of the platform’s technology, engaged with subscription models to navigate the symbolic and tactical repertoires of diverse user groups and to organize theme-oriented actions by creating informative, supportive/backup, and cooperative networks. Second, they employed hashtags to promote and organize spontaneous interactions to rally and sustain autonomous individuals. Furthermore, geolocation hashtags allowed for engagement with others by scaffolding real-time and spontaneous communications that transcended space and time. This essay provides insights into how participants in networked social movements use digital media to mobilize, organize, publicize, and participate in protests.
网络社会运动可以创建由数字媒体支持的自主传播网络,在连接行动的逻辑下往往被视为无领导和分散的。然而,一定程度的领导可能存在,并且非正式地分布在运动参与者之间。本文考察了网络社会运动中的抗议活动,并讨论了如何通过象征性参与和自发互动两种形式的参与活动,利用社交媒体的支持,集体动员和组织松散连接的抗议活动。具体而言,本文调查了香港反《逃犯条例修正案》运动(anti-ELAB)在社交媒体平台Telegram的公共频道上的信息和聊天记录。对200万条反elab信息的分析揭示了组织和动员社会运动的两项重要抗议活动。首先,Telegram用户虽然使用平台技术的方式各不相同,但他们都采用订阅模式来浏览不同用户群体的象征性和战术性曲目,并通过创建信息、支持/备份和合作网络来组织面向主题的行动。其次,他们使用标签来促进和组织自发的互动,以团结和维持自主的个人。此外,地理位置标签允许通过构建超越空间和时间的实时和自发的通信与他人接触。本文深入探讨了网络社会运动的参与者如何利用数字媒体来动员、组织、宣传和参与抗议活动。
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引用次数: 5
Communication and community in the new media age 新媒体时代的传播与社区
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-07-05 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2093435
Yanhong Hu
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引用次数: 0
Anti-extradition law and beyond: the role of media and communication in the crisis of Hong Kong—introduction to the special issue 《反引渡法》及其后:媒体与传播在香港危机中的作用——特刊导言
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-29 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2093428
C. Chan
The year 2019 witnessed an unprecedented paradigm shift to post-handover Hong Kong. On a political level, massive, enduring, and violent street conflicts surrounding the unpopular extradition law that enables transferring fugitives from Hong Kong to jurisdictions with no extradition agreements with the city, including mainland China, followed by the demand for political reforms and disbanding the Hong Kong police, triggered powerful responses from the state power of China. China introduced the National Security Law to Hong Kong in June 2020, which effectively keeps defiant voices out of the media and renders civil society silent. The election methods for the Chief Executive and Legislative Council were also modified to ensure that the government of Hong Kong would remain safely in the hands of “patriots.” Socially, Hong Kong has witnessed multiple waves of emigration since those eventful days in 2019. For those who remain, prosecutions of those arrested in the protests and related activities have slowly unfolded, capturing citywide and even global attention. Internationally, exchanges of unpleasant diplomatic rhetoric between China and other nations over Hong Kong have become frequent. Overseas media commentaries have discussed the future of the city as its once well-known social freedoms are curbed (see, e.g., McLaughlin, 2021; Yip, 2021). State-society relations and the political economy of Hong Kong are unequivocally facing a highly unpredictable process of change. While it is too early to draw firm conclusions about the paradigm shift in post-handover Hong Kong, the anti-extradition law amendment bill (AntiELAB) protests in 2019 deserve a proper review. The most pressing question is also the most basic: what happened? Millions of people packed the streets, clashed with the police, used a wide range of social media channels
2019年见证了香港回归后前所未有的模式转变。在政治层面上,围绕不受欢迎的《逃犯引渡法》(允许将逃犯从香港转移到与香港没有引渡协议的司法管辖区,包括中国大陆)的大规模、持久和暴力街头冲突,以及随后的政治改革和解散香港警察的要求,引发了中国国家政权的强烈反应。中国于2020年6月在香港引入了《国家安全法》,有效地将挑衅的声音排除在媒体之外,并使公民社会保持沉默。行政长官和立法会的选举办法也被修改,以确保香港政府安全地掌握在“爱国者”手中。从社会层面看,自2019年那多事以来,香港经历了多次移民潮。对于那些留下来的人来说,对在抗议活动和相关活动中被捕的人的起诉已经慢慢展开,引起了全市乃至全球的关注。在国际上,中国和其他国家就香港问题交换不愉快的外交言论已经变得频繁。海外媒体评论讨论了这座城市的未来,因为它曾经众所周知的社会自由受到了限制(参见,例如,McLaughlin, 2021;Yip, 2021)。香港的国家-社会关系和政治经济无疑面临着一个高度不可预测的变化过程。虽然现在就香港回归后的范式转变下定论还为时过早,但2019年的反引渡法修正案(AntiELAB)抗议活动值得适当审查。最紧迫的问题也是最基本的问题:发生了什么?数百万人涌上街头,与警方发生冲突,使用各种社交媒体渠道
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引用次数: 0
Engaging Social Media in China 参与中国的社交媒体
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.14321/j.ctv1h9dg1n
Jack Lipei Tang
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引用次数: 1
Fandom nationalism in China: the effects of idol adoration and online fan community engagement 中国的粉丝民族主义:偶像崇拜和网络粉丝社区参与的影响
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2088587
Xining Liao, A. Koo, Hernando Rojas
Abstract While many fandom activism studies see fans as a potential force to challenge the existing political order, participants of fan groups in China have been transformed into nationalists and government supporters. Utilizing online survey data collected in 2020, we established an initial statistical model to test the mobilizing mechanisms underlying Chinese fandom nationalism. Our findings suggest that, among individuals who participate in online fan communities, stronger affection toward idols is associated with stronger nationalist sentiments and eventually leads to more frequent online pro-government expression. However, among individuals who do not engage with online fan communities, such indirect effects are non-significant. Our findings further show that online fan communities (饭圈) play a significant role in mobilizing fandom nationalism in China.
虽然许多粉丝行动主义研究将粉丝视为挑战现有政治秩序的潜在力量,但中国粉丝团体的参与者已经转变为民族主义者和政府支持者。利用2020年收集的在线调查数据,我们建立了一个初步的统计模型来检验中国球迷民族主义的动员机制。我们的研究结果表明,在参与网络粉丝社区的个人中,对偶像的强烈喜爱与更强烈的民族主义情绪相关,并最终导致更频繁的在线亲政府表达。然而,在不参与在线粉丝社区的个人中,这种间接影响并不显著。我们的研究结果进一步表明,在线粉丝社区在动员中国粉丝民族主义方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 7
Legitimizing viewing publics through nostalgia: the mediated tropicality of Singapore’s ‘kampong spirit’ 通过怀旧使观看公众合法化:新加坡“甘榜精神”的中介热带性
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-22 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2088586
John Lowe, G. Wong
abstract Using two recent films—Long Long Time Ago and Diam Diam Era—this article analyses how Jack Neo communicates a sanitized nostalgia for the “kampong spirit” through his films, which calibrates willing acceptance of the Singapore government’s authoritarian rule. In supporting the state’s presentist historiography, the films of Jack Neo induce a depoliticization of unpleasant memories arising from the ruling party’s unpopular housing and language policies of the past. The nostalgia mediated in both films is aligned towards an imaginary geography and mental map of a First World nation, which exhorts Singaporeans to disavow “the tropics” by nostalgizing the state’s modernization efforts. The cumulative thrust of an evidence-free and presentist nostalgia ostensible in both films, this work argues, satisfies the paternalistic state’s obsession with the public legitimation of its ruling mandate.
本文以两部最近的电影《很久以前》和《千金千金时代》为例,分析了梁志强是如何通过他的电影传达对“甘邦精神”的一种经过净化的怀旧之情,这种怀旧之情衡量了他对新加坡政府威权统治的自愿接受。梁智强的电影支持国家的现代主义历史编纂,将执政党过去不受欢迎的住房和语言政策引起的不愉快记忆非政治化。这两部电影中的怀旧之情都与一个想象中的第一世界国家的地理和心理地图相一致,它劝导新加坡人通过怀旧国家的现代化努力来否认“热带”。这部作品认为,在两部电影中,一种无证据的、现代主义的怀旧情绪不断累积,满足了家长式国家对其统治授权的公共合法性的痴迷。
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引用次数: 0
The making of a livestreaming village: algorithmic practices and place-making in North Xiazhu 直播村的制作:下珠北部的算法实践与场所制作
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2085126
C. Lai
abstract This case study of North Xiazhu Village in China examines how algorithmic practices and the construction of physical and symbolical places mutually shape and constitute one another in the context of a new phenomenon: livestreaming villages. Such villages have emerged as a result of the widespread popularity of social media featuring algorithmic recommendations. Algorithmic practices—defined as users’ individual or collective strategies and actions in response to the algorithmic mechanisms that distribute traffic—have become key variables in the place-making of livestreaming villages. By analyzing how algorithmic practices are formed, implemented, shared, organized, and interwoven with place-making, this paper seeks to examine how the traditional village of North Xiazhu has transformed into a livestreaming village. Meanwhile, this paper seeks to broaden our understanding of the social opportunities facilitated by new technologies, recognizing the constitutive role of algorithmic practices in the making of places and communities.
本文以中国下竹北村为例,探讨了算法实践与实体和象征场所的建设如何在直播村这一新现象的背景下相互塑造和构成。这种村庄的出现是基于算法推荐的社交媒体广泛普及的结果。算法实践——定义为用户个人或集体的策略和行动,以响应分配流量的算法机制——已经成为直播村场所制作的关键变量。本文通过分析算法实践的形成、实施、共享、组织以及与place-making的交织,来考察北夏竹传统村落如何转型为直播村落。同时,本文试图拓宽我们对新技术带来的社会机遇的理解,认识到算法实践在地方和社区建设中的构成作用。
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引用次数: 0
When virtual makeovers become “real”: how SNS interactions drive selfie editing and cosmetic surgery 当虚拟化妆变成“现实”:社交网络互动如何推动自拍编辑和整容手术
IF 2.7 2区 文学 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/17544750.2022.2085127
Fangcao Lu, Stella C. Chia
Abstract The behavior of posting edited selfies on social networking sites (SNSs) is becoming increasingly popular among young women. The current study takes the initiative to investigate the determinants of this behavior using Goffman’s self-presentation theory. A survey of 600 young women in China was conducted. The results indicate that young women’s behaviors of posting edited selfies on SNSs are affected by their perceptions of audience characteristics and social media metrics. The behavior is also found to be associated with the intention to undergo cosmetic surgery. These findings suggest that people translate their interactional behaviors from the virtual space into offline behaviors, despite the many associated risks. Theoretically, the present study extends the self-presentation theory to the context of SNSs, where audiences are physically absent and media affordances offer cues about social interactions.
在社交网站(sns)上发布编辑过的自拍照的行为在年轻女性中越来越流行。本研究采用戈夫曼的自我呈现理论,主动探讨了这种行为的决定因素。对中国600名年轻女性进行了一项调查。结果表明,年轻女性在社交网络上发布编辑自拍照的行为受到她们对受众特征和社交媒体指标的感知的影响。研究还发现,这种行为与接受整容手术的意图有关。这些发现表明,人们将他们的互动行为从虚拟空间转化为线下行为,尽管存在许多相关风险。从理论上讲,本研究将自我呈现理论扩展到社交网络的情境中,在社交网络中,受众是缺席的,媒体的支持提供了社交互动的线索。
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引用次数: 1
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Chinese Journal of Communication
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