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Settler Nostalgia: Colonizing Temporalities and the Genre of Coexistence 定居者怀旧:殖民的时代性与共存的类型
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0038
Callie Maidhof
Abstract:For Jewish Israelis in the West Bank settlement of Alfei Menashe, nostalgia for the early years of settlement entails a fantasy of coexistence with Palestinians. This fantasy responds to contemporary peacemaking discourses, reimagining the role of settlement from a practice engendering conflict to one that is an integral part of the peacemaking project. Settler nostalgia is thus a temporal orientation with important political consequences. Scholarly debates have focused on the universalizing, modernizing temporality of settler colonialism, but neither this nor the state-centered historicity of hegemonic accounts of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict may be the only or even the most relevant temporal frames for contemporary Zionist settlement in the West Bank of Palestine. This article examines settler temporal strategies as a crucial part of how one settlement has not only survived but also has grown and flourished in the nearly forty years since its founding.
摘要:对于居住在约旦河西岸Alfei Menashe定居点的以色列犹太人来说,对早期定居点的怀念伴随着与巴勒斯坦人共存的幻想。这种幻想回应了当代建立和平的话语,重新设想了解决的作用,从一种产生冲突的做法转变为建立和平项目的一个组成部分。因此,定居者怀旧是一种具有重要政治后果的时间取向。学术辩论集中在定居者殖民主义的普遍化、现代化的临时性上,但无论是这一点,还是以国家为中心的巴以冲突的霸权描述的历史性,都可能是当代犹太复国主义者在巴勒斯坦西岸定居的唯一的、甚至是最相关的临时性框架。本文考察了定居者的时间策略,这是一个定居点自成立近四十年来不仅存活下来,而且发展和繁荣的关键部分。
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引用次数: 1
Punk Activism and Its Repression in China and Indonesia: Decolonizing "Global Punk" 朋克行动主义及其在中国和印尼的压制:去殖民化的“全球朋克”
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0036
Jian Xiao, Jimmy Donaghey
Abstract:Punk's global spread has been a defining aspect of its forty-plus year history; contemporary punk can only be understood in relation to this global punk network. Punk's transmission from place to place is shaped by neocolonial cultural flows, but punk scenes also respond to their particular contexts, and analysis of local punk scenes must consider this contextuality carefully alongside a "global punk" framing. "Other" punk places cannot be simply judged via a reductive neocolonial imposition of Anglo-American punk norms—an "inter Asia" comparison of the punk scenes of China and Indonesia is an example of this critical decentering and acts as a decolonizing intervention into "global punk." Punks embrace this "global punk" network and are acutely conscious of its contours—it is only in the repression of these punk communities (or in some academic circles) that the "cultural imperialist" framing is maintained, with punk in Indonesia and China dismissed by the authorities (or scholars) as Western imports. This article briefly traces the histories of punk's emergence in China and Indonesia, in the years leading up to, and following, transitional periods of their authoritarian regimes through the very late 1980s and 1990s, discusses and compares contemporary forms of punk resistance and activism in each place, including DIY cultural production and manifestations of "punk space" in Indonesia and China, before highlighting repression from state and para-state institutions in these now "post-authoritarian" and "softened authoritarian" contexts.Cross-comparative study of these places sheds critical light on the experiences of punk there, especially with regard to punk activism (informed by anarchism) and its repression. While direct interconnections between the punk scenes of China and Indonesia are relatively sparse, this exercise in comparative analysis grounds the locally lived experience of punk in a "global punk" framing, which is essential to understanding punk cultural production, activism, and resistance in these "other" punk places. This article is based on several periods of ethnographic research by the authors (from 2012 to 2018).
摘要:朋克在全球的传播是其四十多年历史的一个重要特征;当代朋克只有与这个全球朋克网络联系起来才能被理解。朋克从一个地方传播到另一个地方是由新殖民主义文化流动塑造的,但朋克场景也会对他们的特定背景做出反应,对当地朋克场景的分析必须在“全球朋克”框架下仔细考虑这种语境。“其他”朋克地区不能简单地通过对英美朋克规范的简化的新殖民主义强加来判断——中国和印度尼西亚朋克场景的“跨亚洲”比较是这种批判性去中心化的一个例子,并作为对“全球朋克”的非殖民化干预。朋克们拥抱这个“全球朋克”网络,并敏锐地意识到它的轮廓——只有在对这些朋克社区(或某些学术界)的压制中,“文化帝国主义”的框架才得以维持,印尼和中国的朋克被当局(或学者)视为西方舶来品。本文简要地追溯了朋克在中国和印度尼西亚的兴起历史,从20世纪80年代末到90年代,在专制政权的过渡时期之前和之后的几年里,讨论和比较了每个地方当代朋克抵抗和行动主义的形式,包括DIY文化生产和“朋克空间”在印度尼西亚和中国的表现。在强调国家和准国家机构在这些“后威权主义”和“软化威权主义”背景下的镇压之前。对这些地方的交叉比较研究揭示了那里的朋克经历,特别是关于朋克激进主义(受无政府主义影响)及其镇压。虽然中国和印度尼西亚的朋克场景之间的直接联系相对较少,但这种比较分析的实践将朋克的本地生活经验置于“全球朋克”框架中,这对于理解这些“其他”朋克地区的朋克文化生产、行动主义和抵抗至关重要。本文基于作者的几个时期的民族志研究(2012年至2018年)。
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引用次数: 2
Cultural Critique 文化批评说
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0034
Cesare Casarino, Maggie Hennefeld, John Mowitt, Simona Sawhney
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引用次数: 0
Instituting Thought: Three Paradigms of Political Ontology 建构思想:政治本体论的三种范式
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0016
R. Esposito, Mariaenrica Giannuzzi
Abstract:The essay identifies three ontological-political paradigms that are prominent in contemporary debate: the first, derived from Heidegger, is "destituent"; the second, elaborated by Deleuze, is "constituent"; and the third, which refers above all to the work of Claude Lefort, is "instituting." While the first two, in the forms they have assumed in contemporary philosophy, give rise to a politically ineffective outcome, the third opens up a new space of thought for political praxis.
摘要:本文确定了当代辩论中突出的三种本体论-政治范式:第一种源于海德格尔的“贫困”范式;德勒兹阐述的第二个概念是“构成”;第三个词,主要指的是克劳德·勒福特的作品,是“制度化”。前两者以其在当代哲学中的表现形式导致了政治上无效的结果,而第三种则为政治实践开辟了新的思想空间。
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引用次数: 0
Apartheid's Endless Itineraries 种族隔离的无尽旅程
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0022
T. Wright
For many decades now South Africa has worn the mantle of global exemplarity. During the 1980s, South Africa was, in Derrida’s phrase, “racism’s last word” (le dernier mot du racisme), a place where European racial thinking had reached its apogee (and, one hoped, its culminating endpoint). Following the collapse of the apartheid regime and the democratic elections of 1994, it became, under the sign of Nelson Mandela, the “rainbow nation”: a concrete illustration of the quasimiraculous overcoming of racial oppression through empathy and forgiveness and a beacon for other nations struggling with violent histories. In recent years, however, even as the burnished image of Mandela has been iconized around the world, South Africans themselves have come to suspect, with some discomfort, that their country means something else: a disappointment by or betrayal of political ideals. Promises made— regarding jobs, land, housing— have not been kept; an endemic corruption has set in to consolidate an elite political class; coarse and explicit varieties of racism, after strategically keeping their heads down, have resurfaced; and the country has found itself in the thrall of economic and social disparities often greater than those of the apartheid era. In this new configuration, as Andrew van der Vlies has put it, it is not so much that South Africa is becoming more like the rest of the world, but rather that the world is increasingly becoming more like South Africa, “more unequal, but also concerned
几十年来,南非一直扮演着全球模范的角色。在20世纪80年代,用德里达的话说,南非是“种族主义的最后一句话”(le dernier mot du racisme),是欧洲种族主义思想达到顶峰的地方(人们希望这是它的最终终点)。在种族隔离制度崩溃和1994年的民主选举之后,在纳尔逊·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)的标志下,南非成为了“彩虹之国”:这是通过同情和宽恕近乎奇迹地克服种族压迫的具体例证,也是其他与暴力历史作斗争的国家的灯塔。然而,近年来,即使曼德拉的光辉形象在世界各地被视为偶像,南非人自己也开始怀疑,有些不安地,他们的国家意味着别的东西:政治理想的失望或背叛。有关就业、土地和住房的承诺没有兑现;一种地方性的腐败已经开始巩固精英政治阶层;各种粗俗而露骨的种族主义,在策略性地低着头之后,又重新浮出水面;这个国家发现自己陷入了经济和社会差距的束缚,这种差距往往比种族隔离时代更大。在这种新的格局中,正如安德鲁·范德弗利斯所说,与其说南非变得越来越像世界其他地方,不如说世界越来越像南非,“更加不平等,但也令人担忧。
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引用次数: 0
War Over Measure: Latin American Cultural Policy and the Pedagogy of Neoliberal States 战争胜于措施:拉丁美洲的文化政策和新自由主义国家的教育
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0015
Bret Leraul
Abstract:This article recovers the link between cultural and educational policy in Latin America to understand the neoliberal state's discursive institution of culture as capital. It does so by studying the form and function of Mexican and Chilean cultural bureaucracies. The calculability and accountability of culture in Chilean cultural policy and the incalculability of Mexico's culture of favor cultural policy are but two sides of one coin issued by the same neoliberal state form. Both depend on the discursive institution (from above) of culture as cultural capital and labor as human capital reflected (from below) in the formation of Latin American subjects to contemporary capitalism. On this model, culture should acculturate subjects to their status as precarious, flexible, self-managing and self-valorizing workers, whether in the form of human capital or informal labor.
摘要:本文恢复了拉丁美洲文化与教育政策之间的联系,以理解新自由主义国家将文化作为资本的话语制度。它通过研究墨西哥和智利文化官僚机构的形式和功能来做到这一点。智利文化政策的可计算性和可问责性,以及墨西哥文化政策的不可计算性,只不过是同一种新自由主义国家形式所发行的一枚硬币的两面。两者都依赖于作为文化资本的文化和作为人力资本的劳动的话语制度(从上而上),反映了(从下而上)拉丁美洲主体对当代资本主义的形成。在这种模式下,文化应该使主体适应他们作为不稳定、灵活、自我管理和自我增值的工人的地位,无论是以人力资本的形式还是以非正式劳动的形式。
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引用次数: 0
Surfaces, Subjectivity, and Self-Denial 表面、主观性和自我否定
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0021
Amber Jamilla Musser
None Like Us begins with a story of familial cleavage. Though he does not explicitly delve into its contours, Stephen Best describes a graduation dinner that reveals (to him) a distance between him and his father. Another attendee describes this separation (on the part of father) as having been born from a conflict between pride and disgust— the father is proud of his son’s success, but it also announces an unassimilable difference between the two. Best likens this to an injunction to community within Black studies, which he describes as not only uncomfortable but problematic: “the feeling that I am being invited to long for the return of a sociality that I never had, one from which I suspect (had I ever shown up) I might have been excluded” (1). This narrative is meant to explain Best’s project, which is to decouple Black studies’ relationship between the archive and community. However, this is not just any archive but that of the transatlantic slave trade, which has traditionally undergirded the idea of a Black diaspora, a term that itself has been understood to refer not only to a shared history but to common cultural, aesthetic, and religious practices. Best bristles not only at the mandate to think with slavery when thinking about Blackness but also the assumption that this history provides a useful form of commonality. Ultimately, Best aims to uncover and work with a productive version of negation: “This coveted alienation would entail a gesture best parsed as a kind of doubled movement: away from the ‘clenched little
《无人像我们》从一个家庭分裂的故事开始。斯蒂芬·贝斯特(Stephen Best)虽然没有明确地深入研究它的轮廓,但他描述了一次毕业晚宴,(向他)揭示了他和父亲之间的距离。另一位与会者将这种分离(父亲方面)描述为骄傲与厌恶之间的冲突——父亲为儿子的成功感到骄傲,但这也宣告了两者之间不可同化的差异。贝斯特把这比作黑人研究中对社区的禁令,他认为这不仅令人不舒服,而且有问题:“我被邀请去渴望一个我从未有过的社会的回归,一个我怀疑(如果我曾经出现过)我可能被排除在外的社会”(1)。这种叙述旨在解释贝斯特的项目,即将黑人研究档案和社区之间的关系分离开来。然而,这不仅仅是一个档案,而是跨大西洋奴隶贸易的档案,它传统上巩固了黑人散居的概念,这个术语本身被理解为不仅指共同的历史,还指共同的文化,美学和宗教习俗。贝斯特不仅对在思考黑人问题时与奴隶制一起思考的命令感到愤怒,而且对这段历史提供了一种有用的共性形式的假设也感到愤怒。最终,贝斯特的目标是揭示并研究一种富有成效的否定:“这种令人垂涎的异化将需要一种姿态,最好被解析为一种双重运动:远离‘紧握的小东西’。
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引用次数: 0
The Colloquy of Little Books 小书的对话
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0024
Karen Steigman
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引用次数: 0
The Creative Force of Institutions: A Reply to Benoît Dillet's, Vanessa Lemm's, and Robert Nichols's Responses to "Three Paradigms of Political Ontology" 制度的创造力:对benot Dillet、Vanessa Lemm和Robert Nichols对“政治本体论的三种范式”的回应的回复
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0020
Roberto Esposito, Mariaenrica Giannuzzi
First of all, I would like to thank the contributors Robert Nichols, Benoît Dillet, and Vanessa Lemm— together with the editors Cesare Casarino, Maggie Hennefeld, John Mowitt, and Simona Sawhney, indeed— for the intelligence and the commitment with which everyone commented on my essay. These comments identified not only the internal problems of the text but also pushed the argument well beyond the limits of this single text by opening problems and questions that both complicated and enriched it. I responded to some of these comments, especially in relation to Deleuze and Lefort, in the volume actually occasioned by the essay and similarly titled Instituting Thought. Three Paradigms of Political Ontology. The volume has been published in Italian by Einaudi, and it is currently in the process of being translated into English by Polity Press. As for Deleuze— whose ontologicalpolitical pathway from his earliest to his last writings I tried to analyze in this book— I have partially corrected an overly clearcut interpretation that, as presented in the essay, appeared to Dillet to flatten a more complex and articulated position. It is true that Deleuze’s oeuvre displays the trace of the negative, as a tone that is irreducible to an otherwise pervasive ontological euphoria. Many of his pages are marked with contours of death and destruction. But they also arise from or are traversed by the flows of desire. As Vanessa Lemm has keenly grasped, I experienced a theoretical shift with regard to my position in relation to Deleuze’s theory in general (and I do not deny it). The shift can be noticed when
首先,我要感谢撰稿人Robert Nichols、benot Dillet和Vanessa Lemm,以及编辑Cesare Casarino、Maggie Hennefeld、John Mowitt和Simona Sawhney,感谢大家对我文章的评论,感谢他们的智慧和投入。这些评论不仅确定了文本的内部问题,而且通过打开既复杂又丰富的问题和问题,使论点远远超出了单一文本的限制。我对其中的一些评论做出了回应,特别是关于德勒兹和勒福特的评论,在这篇文章所引发的一卷中,书名类似于《建立思想》。政治本体论的三个范式。该卷已由Einaudi以意大利语出版,目前正在由Polity出版社翻译成英语。至于德勒兹——我试图在本书中分析他从早期到最后的作品的本体论政治路径——我已经部分纠正了一种过于清晰的解释,正如在文章中所呈现的那样,在迪莱看来,这种解释扁平化了一个更复杂、更清晰的立场。诚然,德勒兹的作品表现出消极的痕迹,作为一种基调,这种基调不可简化为一种无处不在的本体论欣愉。他的许多书页上都有死亡和毁灭的轮廓。但它们也源于欲望之流,或被欲望之流所穿越。正如凡妮莎·勒姆敏锐地抓住的那样,我经历了一个关于我与德勒兹理论的立场的理论转变(我不否认这一点)。这种转变可以在什么时候被注意到
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引用次数: 1
Political Ontology and the Dialectics of Democracy 政治本体论与民主辩证法
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0017
R. Nichols
Abstract:This article critically evaluates Roberto Esposito's analysis of political ontology. The author begins by reconstructing elements of Esposito's original argument and inviting further elaboration of certain important conceptual moves made within, with particular focus on the underspecified relationship between (self) reflection and ontology, or between knowing and being. In the second part of the essay, the author examines the implications of these questions for theorizing the distinction between democracy and totalitarianism.
摘要:本文对埃斯波西托的政治本体论分析进行了批判性评价。作者首先重构了埃斯波西托原始论证的要素,并邀请进一步阐述其中所做的某些重要概念动作,特别关注(自我)反思与本体论之间或认识与存在之间未明确的关系。在文章的第二部分,作者考察了这些问题的含义,以理论化民主和极权主义之间的区别。
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引用次数: 0
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Cultural Critique
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