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War Over Measure: Latin American Cultural Policy and the Pedagogy of Neoliberal States 战争胜于措施:拉丁美洲的文化政策和新自由主义国家的教育
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0015
Bret Leraul
Abstract:This article recovers the link between cultural and educational policy in Latin America to understand the neoliberal state's discursive institution of culture as capital. It does so by studying the form and function of Mexican and Chilean cultural bureaucracies. The calculability and accountability of culture in Chilean cultural policy and the incalculability of Mexico's culture of favor cultural policy are but two sides of one coin issued by the same neoliberal state form. Both depend on the discursive institution (from above) of culture as cultural capital and labor as human capital reflected (from below) in the formation of Latin American subjects to contemporary capitalism. On this model, culture should acculturate subjects to their status as precarious, flexible, self-managing and self-valorizing workers, whether in the form of human capital or informal labor.
摘要:本文恢复了拉丁美洲文化与教育政策之间的联系,以理解新自由主义国家将文化作为资本的话语制度。它通过研究墨西哥和智利文化官僚机构的形式和功能来做到这一点。智利文化政策的可计算性和可问责性,以及墨西哥文化政策的不可计算性,只不过是同一种新自由主义国家形式所发行的一枚硬币的两面。两者都依赖于作为文化资本的文化和作为人力资本的劳动的话语制度(从上而上),反映了(从下而上)拉丁美洲主体对当代资本主义的形成。在这种模式下,文化应该使主体适应他们作为不稳定、灵活、自我管理和自我增值的工人的地位,无论是以人力资本的形式还是以非正式劳动的形式。
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引用次数: 0
Political Ontology and the Dialectics of Democracy 政治本体论与民主辩证法
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0017
R. Nichols
Abstract:This article critically evaluates Roberto Esposito's analysis of political ontology. The author begins by reconstructing elements of Esposito's original argument and inviting further elaboration of certain important conceptual moves made within, with particular focus on the underspecified relationship between (self) reflection and ontology, or between knowing and being. In the second part of the essay, the author examines the implications of these questions for theorizing the distinction between democracy and totalitarianism.
摘要:本文对埃斯波西托的政治本体论分析进行了批判性评价。作者首先重构了埃斯波西托原始论证的要素,并邀请进一步阐述其中所做的某些重要概念动作,特别关注(自我)反思与本体论之间或认识与存在之间未明确的关系。在文章的第二部分,作者考察了这些问题的含义,以理论化民主和极权主义之间的区别。
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引用次数: 0
The Creative Force of Institutions: A Reply to Benoît Dillet's, Vanessa Lemm's, and Robert Nichols's Responses to "Three Paradigms of Political Ontology" 制度的创造力:对benot Dillet、Vanessa Lemm和Robert Nichols对“政治本体论的三种范式”的回应的回复
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0020
Roberto Esposito, Mariaenrica Giannuzzi
First of all, I would like to thank the contributors Robert Nichols, Benoît Dillet, and Vanessa Lemm— together with the editors Cesare Casarino, Maggie Hennefeld, John Mowitt, and Simona Sawhney, indeed— for the intelligence and the commitment with which everyone commented on my essay. These comments identified not only the internal problems of the text but also pushed the argument well beyond the limits of this single text by opening problems and questions that both complicated and enriched it. I responded to some of these comments, especially in relation to Deleuze and Lefort, in the volume actually occasioned by the essay and similarly titled Instituting Thought. Three Paradigms of Political Ontology. The volume has been published in Italian by Einaudi, and it is currently in the process of being translated into English by Polity Press. As for Deleuze— whose ontologicalpolitical pathway from his earliest to his last writings I tried to analyze in this book— I have partially corrected an overly clearcut interpretation that, as presented in the essay, appeared to Dillet to flatten a more complex and articulated position. It is true that Deleuze’s oeuvre displays the trace of the negative, as a tone that is irreducible to an otherwise pervasive ontological euphoria. Many of his pages are marked with contours of death and destruction. But they also arise from or are traversed by the flows of desire. As Vanessa Lemm has keenly grasped, I experienced a theoretical shift with regard to my position in relation to Deleuze’s theory in general (and I do not deny it). The shift can be noticed when
首先,我要感谢撰稿人Robert Nichols、benot Dillet和Vanessa Lemm,以及编辑Cesare Casarino、Maggie Hennefeld、John Mowitt和Simona Sawhney,感谢大家对我文章的评论,感谢他们的智慧和投入。这些评论不仅确定了文本的内部问题,而且通过打开既复杂又丰富的问题和问题,使论点远远超出了单一文本的限制。我对其中的一些评论做出了回应,特别是关于德勒兹和勒福特的评论,在这篇文章所引发的一卷中,书名类似于《建立思想》。政治本体论的三个范式。该卷已由Einaudi以意大利语出版,目前正在由Polity出版社翻译成英语。至于德勒兹——我试图在本书中分析他从早期到最后的作品的本体论政治路径——我已经部分纠正了一种过于清晰的解释,正如在文章中所呈现的那样,在迪莱看来,这种解释扁平化了一个更复杂、更清晰的立场。诚然,德勒兹的作品表现出消极的痕迹,作为一种基调,这种基调不可简化为一种无处不在的本体论欣愉。他的许多书页上都有死亡和毁灭的轮廓。但它们也源于欲望之流,或被欲望之流所穿越。正如凡妮莎·勒姆敏锐地抓住的那样,我经历了一个关于我与德勒兹理论的立场的理论转变(我不否认这一点)。这种转变可以在什么时候被注意到
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引用次数: 1
The Colloquy of Little Books 小书的对话
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0024
Karen Steigman
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引用次数: 0
The Missing Politics of Restitution: Answering Esposito's Triptych of Political Ontology 缺失的归还政治:对埃斯波西托政治本体论三联画的回答
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0019
Benoit Dillet
Abstract:This article discusses Roberto Esposito's three paradigms of political ontology: destitution, constitution, and institution, based respectively on (post-)Heideggerian, Deleuzian, and neo-Machiavellian/Lefortian concepts. The essay argues that we need to enlarge this conception of political ontology to make room for other ontological theorizing and therefore presents a fourth paradigm, restitution, derived from social anthropology with the aim to integrate environmental justice in the three-fold framework. Restitution here accounts for multiple worlds, composed of different modes of existence. In late capitalist ontology, there is no room for other ontologies. Esposito misses that there are at least a thousand political ontologies that cannot be subsumed into an overarching whole. Restituting is not about reifying or preserving existing ontologies but about reclaiming practices, techniques, and local knowledges for new problems arising from extractivism, the climate emergency, and technological disruptions.
摘要:本文分别以(后)海德格尔、德勒兹和新马基雅维利/勒福尔的概念为基础,探讨埃斯波西托政治本体论的三种范式:贫困、宪法和制度。本文认为,我们需要扩大这一政治本体论概念,为其他本体论理论提供空间,因此提出了第四种范式,即社会人类学的恢复,旨在将环境正义纳入三重框架。这里的“复原”是由不同的存在方式组成的多重世界。在晚期资本主义本体论中,没有其他本体论的容身之地。埃斯波西托忽略了至少有一千种政治本体论不能被纳入一个总体。恢复不是要物化或保留现有的本体,而是要恢复实践、技术和当地知识,以应对因采掘、气候紧急情况和技术中断而产生的新问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Ruse of Freedom: A Comparative Essay on Ahimsa and Freedom of Expression 自由的诡计:非暴力与言论自由之比较
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0014
Perumal Murugan
Abstract:With the rise of authoritarianism across the globe, debates about freedom of expression have become increasingly urgent in countries like India and the United States. However, these debates do not manifest uniformly. In India the freedom of expression rights of a novelist like Perumal Murugan are denied, while in the U.S. freedom of expression rights are used by conservatives like Charles Murray in public campaigns to promote deliberately provocative speech. This essay compares the Murugan and Murray cases in the interests of advancing our thinking about freedom of expression. Opening new lines of inquiry into freedom of expression via a decolonization of theory, it underscores the limits of liberal Millian ideas and proposes the value of alternative neo-Buddhist notions of ahimsa.
摘要:随着威权主义在全球范围内的崛起,关于言论自由的辩论在印度和美国等国家变得越来越紧迫。然而,这些争论并不一致地表现出来。在印度,像Perumal Murugan这样的小说家的言论自由权是被剥夺的,而在美国,像Charles Murray这样的保守派人士在公共活动中利用言论自由权来宣传故意煽动性的言论。本文比较了穆卢甘和穆雷的案例,以促进我们对言论自由的思考。它通过理论的非殖民化,开辟了对言论自由的新研究路线,强调了自由主义米利安思想的局限性,并提出了另一种新佛教的不杀伐观念的价值。
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引用次数: 0
After the Death Penalty 死刑之后
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0023
M. Sanders
In 1995, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of South Africa declared the death penalty to be unconstitutional. The judgment and concurring opinions in State v. Makwanyane relied, along with other precedents, on Furman v. Georgia, the 1972 U.S. Supreme Court case that, following a moratorium, brought about an end to executions in the United States, until Gregg v. Georgia opened the way four years later for their resumption under more restricted conditions. The South African justices find noteworthy Justice William Brennan’s affirmation, in Furman, of human dignity as a value guiding his concurring opinion. A right to dignity is enshrined in South Africa’s constitution (State v. Makwanyane, ¶¶ 57– 58). In the judgment in Makwanyane, as well as in several of its concurring opinions, human dignity is connected to ubuntu— the idea that a person is a person through other people— an African ethics of reciprocity invoked in the epilogue of the 1993 interim South African constitution (State v. Makwanyane, ¶¶ 130– 31, 223– 27, 237– 63, 307– 13). This reference to ubuntu leads to an appeal to recognize “African law and legal thinking as a source of legal ideas, values and practice.” It is then noted that, prior to the imposition of colonial law, although people suspected of witchcraft were sometimes summarily killed, and killings took place in the context of military discipline, this is not how murderers were punished: meaning that the equivalent of judicial killing was not practiced in precolonial southern Africa (State v. Makwanyane, ¶¶ 365– 83).
1995年,南非共和国宪法法院宣布死刑违宪。State v. Makwanyane案的判决和一致意见,以及其他先例,都是基于1972年美国最高法院的弗曼诉格鲁吉亚案(Furman v. Georgia)。该案在暂停执行死刑之后,终结了美国的死刑执行,直到四年后格雷格诉格鲁吉亚案为在更严格的条件下恢复执行死刑开辟了道路。南非的法官们发现,威廉·布伦南大法官在弗曼案中对人类尊严的肯定是一种指导他的一致意见的价值,这一点值得注意。尊严权被载入南非宪法(State v. Makwanyane,¶¶57 - 58)。在Makwanyane一案的判决中,以及它的几个一致意见中,人的尊严与乌班图(ubuntu)有关——一个人通过他人成为一个人的想法——这是1993年南非临时宪法结语中援引的一种非洲互惠伦理(State v. Makwanyane,¶¶130 - 31,223 - 27,237 - 63,307 - 13)。这种对乌班图的提及导致了一种呼吁,即承认“非洲法律和法律思想是法律思想、价值和实践的源泉”。然后需要指出的是,在实行殖民法之前,虽然怀疑有巫术的人有时会被立即杀害,而且杀戮是在军事纪律的背景下进行的,但这并不是对杀人犯的惩罚方式:这意味着在殖民前的南部非洲没有类似于司法处决的做法(State v. Makwanyane,¶¶365 - 83)。
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引用次数: 0
Esposito's Political Ontology: Difference, Conflict and Community 埃斯波西托的政治本体论:差异、冲突与共同体
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.0018
V. Lemm
Abstract:Esposito distinguishes between three different and paradigmatic ways in which contemporary political thinkers from Heidegger to Agamben, through Deleuze and Lefort, have conceived the postmetaphysical assemblage of politics, being, and difference. First, the article discusses the concept of difference and negation that is employed by Esposito in his reconstruction of the positions of Heidegger and Deleuze. Second, it questions Esposito's political ontology of conflict by discussing it in relation to the views of Schmitt and of proponents of agonistic politics, which may appear to be closely related to it. The study concludes by asking about the place of biopolitics in this account of political ontology and tries to address this peculiar absence of biopolitics in a text written by one of its main theorists.
摘要:埃斯波西托区分了从海德格尔到阿甘本,再到德勒兹和勒福尔,当代政治思想家对政治、存在和差异的后形而上学组合的三种不同的范式。首先,本文讨论了埃斯波西托在重建海德格尔和德勒兹的立场时所使用的差异和否定的概念。其次,它质疑埃斯波西托的冲突政治本体论,通过讨论它与施密特和斗争政治支持者的观点的关系,这可能看起来与它密切相关。最后,本研究询问了生命政治在政治本体论中的地位,并试图在其主要理论家之一撰写的文本中解决生命政治的奇特缺失。
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引用次数: 1
The Global-Popular: A Frame for Contemporary Cinemas 全球流行:当代电影的框架
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-25 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.a838296
B. Ghosh, Bhaskar Sarkar
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引用次数: 2
Pontianak Trouble: Gender and Postcolonial Identities in the Malay Vampire Film Pontianak的麻烦:马来吸血鬼电影中的性别与后殖民身份
IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-11-25 DOI: 10.1353/cul.2022.a838298
Rosalind Galt
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Cultural Critique
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