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Waka’ Stela 44 and the Early Classic Kaan hegemony 瓦卡第 44 号石碑与早期卡安古迹霸权
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000275
Mary Kate Kelly, Olivia Navarro-Farr, David A. Freidel, Juan Carlos Pérez Calderón, Griselda Pérez Robles
The Kaan (“Snake”) kings, a powerful political entity in the Classic Maya Lowlands, were housed in the Early Classic period at Dzibanche, and they moved their capital to Calakmul by the year a.d. 642 (Helmke and Awe 2016; Martin 2020:138–139). Their network of alliance and intermarriage radiated southward, and Waka's early eighth-century queen, Lady K'abel, was from the Kaan bloodline and married in to the Wak lineage, exemplifying the close connection between the two political entities. The discovery of Stela 44 in tunneling efforts in M13-1, the city's important ritual center, allows us to trace political ties between the Kaan and Wak kings to significantly earlier than previously known, which seem to begin around the mid-sixth century. This monument provides insight into three converging lines of evidence supporting the profound alliance these elites had built: first, the accession of a Wak king, Wa'oom Uch'ab Ahk, under the supervision of the Kaan king K'ahk’ Ti’ Ch'ich’; second, the father of the new king, Chak Tok Ich'aak, seems to be connected to La Corona, another early Kaan ally; and third, the mother of Wa'oom Uch'ab Ahk, Ix Ikoom, is also connected to La Corona and the broader Kaan hegemony through her title ix sak wahyis.
Kaan("蛇")国王是古典玛雅低地一个强大的政治实体,他们在古典早期居住在 Dzibanche,公元 642 年迁都到 Calakmul(Helmke 和 Awe,2016 年;Martin,2020:138-139)。他们的联盟和通婚网络向南辐射,瓦卡八世纪早期的王后卡贝尔夫人就来自卡安血统,并与瓦克血统通婚,这充分体现了两个政治实体之间的密切联系。在该城重要的祭祀中心 M13-1 的隧道挖掘工作中发现了第 44 号石碑,这使我们能够追溯到卡安国王和瓦克国王之间的政治联系,这种联系似乎始于六世纪中叶,比以前所知的要早得多。这座纪念碑为我们提供了三条汇集在一起的证据线索,支持这些精英建立的深厚联盟:第一,在卡昂国王 K'ahk' Ti' Ch'ich' 的监督下,瓦克国王 Wa'oom Uch'ab Ahk 即位;第二,新国王 Chak Tok Ich'aak 的父亲似乎与另一位早期卡昂盟友 La Corona 有关;第三,Wa'om Uch'ab Ahk 的母亲 Ix Ikoom 也通过她的头衔 ix sak wahyis 与 La Corona 和更广泛的卡昂霸权有关。
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引用次数: 0
Potting communities and conservatism in the Purépecha empire at Angamuco, Michoacán, Mexico 墨西哥米却肯州 Angamuco 的普雷佩查帝国的陶艺社区和保守主义
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000329
Anna S. Cohen
Stylistic shifts in ceramics are often linked with sociopolitical changes, yet adopting new ceramic designs may indicate anything from shared aesthetic appeal to emulation. Focusing on multiple ceramic technologies is critical for understanding ceramic changes as they relate to wider social fluctuations. The relationships between clay and ceramic recipes, and communities of practice, have not been studied at the urban landscape of Angamuco, Michoacán in western Mexico. Petrographic and geochemical analyses of tempers and fabrics indicate that ceramics, including imperial Purépecha (a.d. 1350–1530) vessels, were created from local and regional materials, and that these materials remained relatively stable for over 1,000 years. Ceramic archaeometry in western Mexico has been relatively limited compared to other parts of Mesoamerica, and this study may be compared to future studies in the region.
陶瓷风格的转变往往与社会政治的变化有关,然而采用新的陶瓷设计可能表明从共同的审美情趣到仿效等任何情况。关注多种陶瓷技术对于理解陶瓷变化与更广泛的社会波动之间的关系至关重要。在墨西哥西部米却肯州安加穆科的城市景观中,还没有研究过粘土和陶瓷配方以及实践社区之间的关系。对温度和织物进行的岩相学和地球化学分析表明,包括普雷佩查帝国(公元 1350-1530 年)器皿在内的陶瓷都是用当地和区域材料制作的,而且这些材料在 1000 多年的时间里保持相对稳定。与中美洲其他地区相比,墨西哥西部的陶瓷考古相对有限,本研究可与该地区未来的研究进行比较。
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引用次数: 0
Lithic tool provisioning in the western Aztec provinces: A view from Calixtlahuaca 阿兹台克西部省份的石器供应:来自卡利克斯特拉瓦卡的观点
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000263
Bradford W. Andrews, Angela C. Huster, Michael E. Smith
We describe an analysis of the flaked stone tools recovered from households in the Postclassic central Mexican city of Calixtlahuaca (a.d. 1130–1530). Most artifacts are obsidian and represent the blade-core technology, but biface and bipolar artifacts are also represented. Even though household residents were involved in limited biface and bipolar reduction, it appears that the city did not have any resident blade producers. This finding is at odds with the views of many archaeologists, who tend to associate craft production with the emergence of complex Mesoamerican urban centers. We examine the technologies from temporally distinct Calixtlahuacan household assemblages. We discuss why the quantity and quality artifacts associated with blade production are not consistent with resident blade making in the city. Finally, we examine four models for blade provisioning: (1) whole-blade trade, (2) processed-blade trade, (3) long-distance itinerant craftsmen, and (4) local, hinterland-based craftsmen. Evaluating how the Calixtlahuacans got their flaked stone tools has important implications for the comparative understanding of the organization and scale of economic provisioning systems in Postclassic central Mexico. This analysis supports new inferences about the nature of commercial networks that supplied the Toluca Valley prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century.
我们描述了对后古典时期墨西哥中部城市卡利克斯特拉瓦卡(公元 1130-1530 年)家庭中出土的片状石器的分析。大多数石器为黑曜石,代表了刃核技术,但也有双面和双极石器。尽管住户参与了有限的双面和双极切割,但该城市似乎没有常驻的刀片生产者。这一发现与许多考古学家的观点相左,他们倾向于将手工艺生产与复杂的中美洲城市中心的出现联系起来。我们研究了卡利克斯特拉瓦坎不同时期的家庭组合中的技术。我们讨论了为什么与刀片生产相关的文物的数量和质量与城市居民的刀片制作不一致。最后,我们研究了刀片供应的四种模式:(1) 整片刀片贸易;(2) 加工刀片贸易;(3) 远距离流动工匠;(4) 本地腹地工匠。评估卡利克斯特拉瓦坎人是如何获得片状石器的,对于比较了解后古典时期墨西哥中部经济供应系统的组织和规模具有重要意义。这项分析支持对 16 世纪西班牙人到来之前供应托卢卡谷地的商业网络的性质做出新的推断。
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引用次数: 0
The duplication diacritic: A case study of variation and change in Mayan writing 重复音节:玛雅文字变异的个案研究
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000317
David F. Mora-Marín
This article studies the duplication diacritic of Epigraphic Mayan (ISO 639-3 emy) during the Classic period (a.d. 200–900). Cataloged as grapheme 22A, it consists of two dots optionally and rarely affixed to another grapheme to command the reader, in the majority of cases, to read a syllabogram twice in sequence. This article reviews prior literature on the diacritic, elaborates a typology of four distinct but ultimately related functions, and employs a data set compiled by means of the Maya Hieroglyphic Database to determine via statistical tests whether scriptal, linguistic, media, geographic, and temporal factors were influential in its distribution, and more narrowly, its various functions. The results indicate that two lexemes, käkäw ‘cacao’ and k'ahk’ ‘fire,’ account for several of the scriptal and linguistic traits that show significant relationships with 22A, with the former, käkäw, likely serving as a major prototype in the evolution of 22A. It is also pointed out that 22A is absent from the Postclassic (a.d. 900–1521) codices, suggesting that one of the Classic regional subtraditions with lowest frequency of use of 22A may have been a direct ancestor of the subtraditions responsible for the codices.
本文研究的是古典时期(公元 200-900 年)书写玛雅语(ISO 639-3 emy)的重复音节。该双音符号被编入 22A 音素,由两个点组成,在大多数情况下,这两个点可以选择性地贴在另一个音素上,也很少贴在另一个音素上,以命令读者将一个音节依次读两遍。这篇文章回顾了以前关于这种符号的文献,阐述了四种不同但最终相关的功能类型学,并利用玛雅象形文字数据库中的数据集,通过统计检验确定文字、语言、媒体、地理和时间因素是否对其分布有影响,更狭义地说,是否对其各种功能有影响。研究结果表明,"可可"(käkäw)和 "火"(k'ahk)这两个词素在文字和语言特征方面与 22A 有着显著的关系,而前者 "可可"(käkäw)很可能是 22A 演化过程中的主要原型。还有人指出,后古典时期(公元 900-1521 年)的手抄本中没有 22A,这表明使用 22A 频率最低的古典时期地区子传统之一可能是负责手抄本的子传统的直接祖先。
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引用次数: 0
Sounds in context: Archaeoacoustical studies of instruments from Comalcalco and Jonuta, pre-Hispanic Maya sites 背景中的声音:前西班牙玛雅遗址科马尔卡尔科和约努塔乐器的考古声学研究
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000251
Francisca Zalaquett, Miriam Judith Gallegos, Ricardo Armijo, Dulce Espino
Sounds produced by humans and their environment are perceived and codified based on people's experiences as members of social groups, resulting in some sounds being used as means of communication. In this article, we present an archaeoacoustic study of diverse types of instruments excavated or collected from Comalcalco and Jonuta, two important pre-Hispanic Maya sites located in the modern state of Tabasco (Mexico). We propose a methodology to analyze organological and acoustic characteristics for each type of instrument, considering their relevant archaeological information, so as to provide some interpretations of how sounds could have been materialized, shared, and used in specific moments of Maya ritual and daily life.
人类及其环境产生的声音是根据人们作为社会群体成员的经验来感知和编纂的,因此有些声音被用作交流手段。在这篇文章中,我们对在科马尔卡尔科和约努塔这两个位于现代塔巴斯科州(墨西哥)的重要前西班牙时期玛雅遗址中发掘或收集的不同类型的乐器进行了考古声学研究。我们提出了一种方法来分析每种乐器的器乐学和声学特征,同时考虑到它们的相关考古信息,从而对声音如何在玛雅仪式和日常生活的特定时刻具体化、共享和使用提供一些解释。
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引用次数: 0
Establishing the Terminal Classic Ik'hubil Ceramic Sphere in the Eastern Maya Lowlands of Belize 在伯利兹的东玛雅低地建立终端经典Ik'hubil陶瓷球
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000214
Eleanor Harrison-Buck
Abstract In this study, I use the type-variety-mode analysis to define the diagnostic ceramic material for the Ik'hubil Ceramic Complex dating to the Terminal Classic (ca. a.d. 780–930/1000). The percentages of shared ceramic content indicate that multiple sites in the mid-to-lower Sibun Valley are members of an Ik'hubil Ceramic Sphere. My preliminary analyses of sites in the lower Belize River valley suggest that the Ik'hubil Sphere may extend across a broader area of north-central Belize during the Terminal Classic, discrete from the Spanish Lookout Sphere in the upper Belize Valley. Northern Yucatec traits are identified in ceramics and architecture in the eastern Sibun and Belize Valleys, along with marked changes in foodways. The presence of trading diasporas and more intimate social relationships, such as intermarriage, may explain this mix of local and hybrid forms of material culture introduced by the ninth century in this part of the eastern Maya Lowlands.
在这项研究中,我使用类型-品种-模式分析来定义可追溯到终端经典(ca. ad . 780-930/1000)的Ik'hubil陶瓷复合体的诊断陶瓷材料。共享陶瓷含量的百分比表明,锡本河谷中下游的多个遗址是一个伊赫比尔陶瓷球的成员。我对伯利兹河谷下游遗址的初步分析表明,Ik'hubil球体可能在终端经典时期延伸到伯利兹中北部更广阔的地区,与伯利兹河谷上游的西班牙瞭望球区分开。在东部锡本和伯利兹山谷的陶瓷和建筑中可以发现北尤卡坦人的特征,同时在饮食方式上也有明显的变化。贸易散居者的存在和更亲密的社会关系,如异族通婚,可能解释了9世纪在玛雅东部低地的这一部分引入的地方和混合形式的物质文化的混合。
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引用次数: 0
Rehabilitating El Pozito, Northern Belize: a Classic Maya town and its socioeconomic history as reflected in ceramics and architecture 修复北伯利兹的埃尔波齐托:一个经典的玛雅城镇,它的社会经济历史反映在陶瓷和建筑上
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000172
Keith Eppich, Joseph W. Ball
Abstract This article revisits a long-neglected site in Northern Belize, the Classic Maya settlement of El Pozito, located in the Orange Walk District. Investigations led by Mary Neivens and Dennis Puleston explored the site between 1974 and 1976, documenting its architecture and recovering a substantial quantity of artifacts. Afterward, events conspired to bring these investigations to a close, leaving the site in a half-century scholarly limbo. The research here seeks to rectify this. Combining extant field notes with sporadic publications and recently conducted ceramic analysis, the authors reconstructed El Pozito's sequence of construction, occupation, and usage over 20 centuries. This new research revealed a settlement of surprising complexity, combining aspects of urban functionality amid a landscape of rural complexity. This article argues that the best way to understand such complexity is through the conceptual lens of a “town.” Neither a city nor a dispersed rural settlement, El Pozito functioned as a critical node that connected local, agrarian Maya with each other as well as the whole of the Classic Maya world. In this way, the research here seeks to rehabilitate this site, rescue it from its scholarly limbo, and restore its place in understanding the complex pre-Columbian landscapes of Northern Belize.
本文回顾了伯利兹北部一个长期被忽视的遗址,位于奥兰治步行区的经典玛雅定居点埃尔波齐托。1974年至1976年间,由玛丽·内文斯和丹尼斯·普莱斯顿领导的调查小组对该遗址进行了探索,记录了它的建筑结构,并恢复了大量的文物。后来,一系列事件合谋使这些调查结束,使该遗址陷入了半个世纪的学术困境。这里的研究试图纠正这一点。结合现存的实地记录和零星的出版物,以及最近进行的陶瓷分析,作者重建了El Pozito在20世纪的建筑、职业和使用顺序。这项新的研究揭示了一个令人惊讶的复杂的定居点,将城市功能的各个方面结合在农村复杂的景观中。本文认为,理解这种复杂性的最佳方式是通过“城镇”的概念镜头。既不是城市,也不是分散的农村定居点,埃尔波齐托作为一个关键节点,将当地的农业玛雅人彼此联系起来,以及整个古典玛雅世界。通过这种方式,这里的研究试图恢复这个遗址,把它从学术的困境中拯救出来,并恢复它在了解北伯利兹复杂的前哥伦布时期景观中的地位。
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引用次数: 0
From simple row of dots to the rain god calendar: Interpretation of the pecked cross petroglyph from the Late Postclassic Tetzcotzinco 从简单的一排点到雨神日历:对后古典晚期特特科钦科(Tetzcotzinco)的带钩十字架岩画的解读
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000226
Daniel Prusaczyk
Abstract This article presents and analyzes a newly discovered petroglyph from Tetzcotzinco (mun. Texcoco, Mexico) in the form of arranged pecked dots. Based on what is known about Mesoamerican divinatory systems, calendars, and the perception of space, the interpretation takes into account both the encoded numerical values and the layout of the dots. The main argument is that this and similar representations’ function was not limited to simple counting of days or serving as a kind of astronomical marker, in which the arms of the cross indicated, for example, equinoxes, which is by far their most common interpretation in academic literature. Instead, it represented calendrical cycles through the numbers, as suggested by some scholars. Based on this hypothesis, the article explores the possible connection between numbers registered in Tetzcotzinco's “pecked cross” and specific diagrams from indigenous divinatory books. Therefore, the plausible interpretation of the symbolism of this petroglyph is that it either expressed a series of meanings related to the agrarian period(s) and rain god(s) or less-known Mesoamerican calendrical cycles, such as half trecenas or seven- and nine-day periods.
摘要本文介绍并分析了特特科钦科(Tetzcotzinco)门新发现的岩画。(墨西哥)以排列的小圆点的形式。根据对中美洲占卜系统、日历和空间感知的了解,这种解释考虑了编码的数值和点的布局。主要的论点是,这种和类似的表示的功能并不局限于简单的天数计数或作为一种天文标记,其中十字架的手臂表示,例如,春分,这是迄今为止在学术文献中最常见的解释。相反,正如一些学者所建议的那样,它通过数字来代表历法周期。基于这一假设,本文探讨了Tetzcotzinco的“啄十字架”中记录的数字与土著占卜书中的特定图表之间的可能联系。因此,对这一岩石雕刻的象征意义的合理解释是,它要么表达了一系列与农业时期和雨神有关的意义,要么表达了鲜为人知的中美洲历法周期,如半三天或七天和九天的周期。
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引用次数: 0
The other side of the mirror. Maya Late Classic iron-ore artifact production: an insight from Cancuen 镜子的另一面。玛雅晚期经典的铁矿石制品生产:来自坎昆的见解
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536121000602
Chloé Andrieu, Naya Cadalen
Abstract Although iron-ore mirrors are commonly found in the Maya area, very few workshops are known to date. Cancuen, Guatemala, is one of the few sites to show evidence of iron-ore production during the Late Classic ( a.d. 600–800). This article reviews all the available data on this material in Cancuen in light of the recent excavations, and, by combining spatial and technological analysis, proposes to shed new light on the spatial organization of this production. By comparing the composition and the social context of production in Cancuen with that of Aguateca (Inomata and Eberl 2014), we suggest that there was a division of tasks between sites in which Cancuen's artisans were involved in the first stage of the production of luxury goods, whereas other stages, such as the arrangement of the tesserae on the supports and their repolishing, were more socially invested and made by elite artists at the recipient sites.
虽然在玛雅地区经常发现铁矿镜,但迄今为止已知的作坊很少。危地马拉的坎昆是少数几个在古典晚期(公元600-800年)显示出铁矿石生产证据的地点之一。本文根据最近的挖掘,回顾了坎昆关于这些材料的所有可用数据,并通过结合空间和技术分析,提出了对这一生产的空间组织的新见解。通过比较坎昆与阿Aguateca的生产构成和社会背景(Inomata and Eberl 2014),我们认为坎昆的工匠参与了奢侈品生产的第一阶段,而其他阶段,如在支架上的镶嵌和再抛光,则更多地由社会投入,并由接收地点的精英艺术家完成。
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引用次数: 0
The mirrors from Chiapa de Corzo: an early example for the Classic pyrite mirrors? 恰帕德科尔佐的镜子:经典黄铁矿镜子的早期例子?
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536121000535
Emiliano Gallaga, Emiliano Melgar, Lynneth Lowe
Abstract Smith and Kidder (1951:44) were among the first to highlight pyrite pre-Hispanic mirrors as “marvels of painstaking craftsmanship.” These mirrors present reflective surfaces consisting of 20–50 pyrite tesserae with beveled edges, perfectly cut, and average 2 mm in thickness. The first known examples of mirrors in Mesoamerica were the “Olmec” type—a concave mirror created from a single hematite piece developed during the Middle Preclassic period. Later, in the Classic period, pyrite mosaic mirrors replaced them. Unfortunately, we do not understand the changes from one type to the other. In this work, we present two pyrite mirrors found at the site of Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mexico, dating around 700–500 b.c. , as possible forerunners of Classic pyrite mirrors. Also, we present traceological analysis of their manufacturing process using experimental archaeology and scanning electron microscopy. Based on these examinations, we identify likely materials and techniques employed in crafting them. We posit that production of these mirrors could have been the result of the development of specialized artisans at distinct workshops, increasing the complexity and labor investment in the lapidary objects as prestige goods.
史密斯和基德尔(1951:44)是最早将前西班牙时代的黄铁矿镜子称为“手工技艺的奇迹”的人之一。这些镜子的反射表面由20-50个黄铁矿块组成,边缘呈斜角,切割完美,平均厚度为2毫米。在中美洲,已知的第一个镜子是“奥尔梅克”型——一种由一块赤铁矿制成的凹面镜,这种凹面镜是在前古典中期发展起来的。后来,在古典时期,黄铁矿镶嵌镜取代了它们。不幸的是,我们不了解从一种类型到另一种类型的变化。在这项工作中,我们展示了在墨西哥恰帕斯州恰帕德科尔佐遗址发现的两个黄铁矿镜,它们的年代约为公元前700-500年,可能是经典黄铁矿镜的先驱。此外,我们提出了用实验考古学和扫描电子显微镜对其制造过程的痕迹分析。根据这些检查,我们确定了可能的材料和制作它们的技术。我们认为,这些镜子的生产可能是不同车间专业工匠发展的结果,增加了作为威望商品的宝石物品的复杂性和劳动力投资。
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引用次数: 2
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Ancient Mesoamerica
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