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Late Postclassic Lowland Maya politico-ritual architecture: Temple assemblages and Zacpeten 后古典晚期低地玛雅政治-文化建筑:神庙组合和扎克佩腾
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 N/A ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536124000099
Prudence M. Rice, Don S. Rice, Timothy W. Pugh

Late Postclassic lowland Maya civic-ceremonial masonry architecture appears in two main configurations—temple assemblages and basic ceremonial groups—first identified at Mayapan. Around the Peten lakes, these two architectural complexes have been tied to northern immigrant Kowojs and Itzas, respectively, and their distributions map the varying control over the lakes by these two ethnopolities. Temple assemblages exhibit considerable variation in their structural components and arrangements throughout the lowlands, but they have not been studied comparatively. Here, we examine 14 temple assemblages at 12 lowland sites. We consider one of the two assemblages at Zacpeten (Sak Peten), Group A, to have been built by Kowojs, who asserted their identity and earlier (Late/Terminal Classic) ties to the site by reusing carved monuments. “Blended” assemblage Group C is more difficult to parse, but reflects cosmo-calendrical principles of statecraft and the builders’ and users’ broader ties to Mayapan and Topoxte.

后古典晚期低地玛雅人的公民-礼仪砖石建筑主要有两种形式--寺庙群和基本礼仪群,这两种形式最早是在玛雅潘发现的。在佩滕湖周围,这两种建筑群分别与北部移民科沃杰人和伊特萨斯人有关,它们的分布反映了这两个民族对湖泊的不同控制。在整个低地地区,寺庙建筑群在结构组成和布局上表现出相当大的差异,但还没有对它们进行过比较研究。在此,我们研究了 12 个低地遗址中的 14 个庙宇组合。我们认为扎克佩滕(萨克佩滕)的两个庙宇组合中的一个,即 A 组,是由科沃杰人建造的,他们通过重复使用雕刻石碑来表明自己的身份以及与该遗址的早期(晚期/末期古典时期)联系。C 组的 "混合 "组合更难解析,但反映了国家统治的宇宙-历法原则,以及建造者和使用者与玛雅潘和托波克斯特的更广泛联系。
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引用次数: 0
Classic Maya mirror conjurors of Waka’, Guatemala – CORRIGENDUM 危地马拉瓦卡(Waka)的玛雅古典镜像变戏法者 - CORRIGENDUM
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536124000105
David A. Freidel, Olivia C. Navarro-Farr, Michelle E. Rich, Juan Carlos Meléndez, Juan Carlos Pérez, Griselda Pérez Robles, Mary Kate Kelly
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引用次数: 0
From the Great Goddess to the Storm God: Cosmic transformations at the boundary between the dry and rainy seasons in Classic Teotihuacan 从伟大女神到风暴之神:特奥蒂瓦坎古典时期旱季和雨季交界处的宇宙变化
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536124000087
Miguel A. González Block
Classic Teotihuacan's mural tradition evidences a Great Goddess and a Storm God in a cult of rain and fertility, yet their identity and relationship is problematic. This article reads the mural iconography as a myth of passage where the Great Goddess transited through portals uniting the planes of the cosmos at the boundary between the dry and rainy seasons to transform into the Storm God. Slate and pyrite mirrors and murals are analyzed as sacred artifacts with agency to invoke passage. The species of animals and plants symbolizing portals are identified to decode their symbolism of passage as symbolic transformations. The Great Goddess transited from the underworld to the sea, entered mountain caves, and transformed her head-summit into a primordial cloud. The goddess created the axis mundi through her sacrifice, integrating the plants used for the manufacture of the Mesoamerican rubber olli. Mediated by the metamorphic powers of butterflies and olli, the goddess transformed greenstone into sacred water to become the Storm God. He commanded his helpers from his cave dwelling to produce rain and fertility clouds. Ruler-priests and warriors used mirrors to access the axis mundi and to transform into Storm God avatars with powers over rain and fertility.
特奥蒂瓦坎的经典壁画传统证明,在对雨水和生殖力的崇拜中,有一位伟大的女神和一位风暴之神,但他们的身份和关系却很成问题。本文将壁画图腾解读为一个穿越神话,大女神在旱季和雨季的交界处穿越连接宇宙各平面的门户,转变为风暴之神。板岩和黄铁矿镜子和壁画被分析为具有唤醒穿越能力的神圣工艺品。确定了象征入口的动物和植物物种,以解读它们作为象征性转变的通道的象征意义。大女神从冥界穿越到海洋,进入山洞,并将她的头顶变为原始云。女神通过献祭创造了世界轴,将用于制造中美洲橡胶奥利的植物融为一体。通过蝴蝶和奥利的变形能力,女神将绿石转化为圣水,成为风暴之神。他在洞穴中指挥他的助手制造雨水和生育云。统治者-祭司和战士们使用镜子进入 "世界轴心",变身成为风暴之神的化身,拥有降雨和生育的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Hats and titles: Maya courtier dress and hierarchy in the late Classic Maya court 帽子和头衔:玛雅朝臣的服饰和玛雅古典晚期宫廷的等级制度
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536124000075
Charles D. Cheek
The Maya used dress to help them structure social interaction. Taking a behavioral chain and practice approach, I define dress elements of male courtiers and how they were combined into outfits during the daily practices of dressing and attending court. I identify two groups of headgear, Standard and Special, among courtiers on vases showing historical interaction among humans. Each vase is considered commemorative and must communicate to an audience. I identified six Standard hat types that were widespread in the Maya Lowlands. The distribution implies a basic set of recognizable roles that provided the political-religious structure of the typical Maya court, perhaps as early as the Late Preclassic period. Four of the hat types are connected to glyphic titles. Each titleholder's position in the vase's visual space implies a hierarchy of roles. The results support my hypothesis that dress does identify social roles in the Maya court.
玛雅人使用服饰来帮助他们组织社会交往。通过行为链和实践方法,我定义了男性朝臣的着装元素,以及在日常着装和上朝过程中如何将这些元素组合成服装。我在展示人类历史互动的花瓶上发现了朝臣的两组头饰,即标准头饰和特殊头饰。每个花瓶都具有纪念意义,必须向观众传达信息。我确定了在玛雅低地广为流传的六种标准帽子类型。这种分布意味着有一套基本的可识别角色,为典型的玛雅宫廷提供了政治-宗教结构,也许早在前古典晚期就有了。其中四种帽子类型与石刻爵位有关。每个头衔拥有者在花瓶视觉空间中的位置都意味着角色的等级。这些结果支持了我的假设,即服饰确实可以确定玛雅宫廷中的社会角色。
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引用次数: 0
Mesoamerican mantic names as an etymological source of Mixtec vocabulary 作为米斯特克语词汇词源的中美洲antic名称
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536124000026
Michael W. Swanton
This article examines the word histories of 12 nouns (eight zoonyms, two other lifeform names, and two toponyms) in Mixtec, a shallow or emergent language family of Mesoamerica. It argues that these nouns—now morphologically opaque—are fused compounds that arose from the Mixtec vocabulary of the mantic count of 260 days, a temporal organization that was part of the common cultural heritage of pre-Hispanic Mesoamerican peoples. With the European colonization and persecution of Mesoamerican religious practices, the use of the mantic count was abandoned. It was at this time that the compounds would have been demotivated; that is, the internal morphological structure would have become inaccessible to speakers who could no longer relate it to the mantic cycle. This then enriched the lexicon, creating etymological pairs for the same, or similar, referents. It is suggested that the survival of the eight zoonyms may have to do with their use in the context of omens.
本文研究了中美洲浅语系或新兴语系米斯特克语中 12 个名词(8 个动物名称、2 个其他生命形式名称和 2 个地名)的词史。该研究认为,这些名词(现在在形态上不透明)是米克斯特克语 260 天计数词汇的融合化合物,这种时间组织是西班牙以前的中美洲民族共同文化遗产的一部分。随着欧洲的殖民化和对中美洲宗教习俗的迫害,"antic 计数 "被放弃使用。正是在这个时候,这些复合词失去了意义;也就是说,内部形态结构变得难以使用,说话者无法再将其与语义循环联系起来。这就丰富了词库,为相同或相似的指称创造了词源对。有人认为,八个动物语地名的存留可能与它们在预兆语境中的使用有关。
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引用次数: 0
The stuff of currency: Changing styles and uses of ear ornaments at Tikal 货币:蒂卡尔耳饰风格和用途的变化
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536124000063
Morgan Clark
This article revisits ear ornament data from Tikal—both material and visual—to better understand the varied roles of ear ornamentation in ancient Maya society over time. The author discusses relevant terms and terminology, then emphasizes the social aspects of ear piercing and stretching as well as the place of ear ornaments in economic exchange. Ear ornamentation was a critical aspect of socialization for ancestral Mayas, but the extent of this practice was classed. Whereas the styles of nonelite ear ornaments were more resistant to change over time, the jade earflares of elites became more standardized in form while growing in complexity. With this standardization, jade earflares achieved a status close to currency, not just to be coveted or collected but also to be displayed on the body to the fullest extent possible. However, like many currencies, jade earflares were more complex than simple tokens of exchange. The symbolic dimensions that gave these objects meaning and economic value were integral to their power.
本文重新审视了蒂卡尔的耳饰数据--包括材料和视觉数据--以更好地理解耳饰在古代玛雅社会中随着时间的推移所扮演的不同角色。作者讨论了相关的术语和名词,然后强调了穿耳和拉伸的社会方面以及耳饰在经济交换中的地位。耳饰是祖先玛雅人社会化的一个重要方面,但这种做法的程度是分等级的。随着时间的推移,非贵族耳饰的风格更难改变,而贵族的玉耳饰则在形式上更加标准化,同时也更加复杂。随着这种标准化,玉耳环的地位接近于货币,不仅可以被觊觎或收藏,还可以最大限度地展示在身上。然而,与许多货币一样,玉耳环也不仅仅是简单的交换凭证。赋予这些物品意义和经济价值的象征意义是其力量的组成部分。
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引用次数: 0
Residential size and volume differentiation across urban zones at El Perú-Waka', Peten, Guatemala 危地马拉佩滕 El Perú-Waka'各城区的住宅面积和容积差异
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000056
Damien B. Marken
Located at the western edge of the Classic Maya heartland, El Peru-Waka' was one of the most densely aggregated urban cores in the Lowlands. With households packed next to each other, it can be difficult to define where one ends and another begins. Nevertheless, survey and excavation data suggest that differences in household provisioning and generational cycling created considerable variation in household wealth across the city. This paper employs household area (m2) and volume (m3) to calculate Gini coefficients for the El Peru-Waka' urban core and immediate hinterlands to quantify household differentiation across the urban landscape. Comparison of the coefficients for the total study area with those for individual urban zones (core, periurban, hinterland) demonstrate that while El Perú-Waka' exhibits high overall household differentiation, this differentiation is considerably muted within a given urban zone. This demonstrates the impact of settlement location on differences in household size and architectural investment.
El Peru-Waka'位于古典玛雅中心地带的西部边缘,是低地最密集的城市核心之一。由于各家各户毗邻而居,很难界定哪里是终点,哪里是起点。不过,调查和发掘数据表明,家庭供养和世代循环的不同造成了整个城市家庭财富的巨大差异。本文采用家庭面积(平方米)和体积(立方米)来计算埃尔秘鲁瓦卡城市核心和邻近腹地的基尼系数,以量化整个城市景观中的家庭差异。将整个研究区域的基尼系数与单个城市区域(核心区、近郊区、腹地)的基尼系数进行比较后发现,虽然秘鲁瓦卡的总体家庭分化程度较高,但在特定的城市区域内,这种分化程度却大大减弱。这表明了居住区位置对家庭规模和建筑投资差异的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Gini coefficient at La Corona: The impacts of variation in analytical unit and aggregation scale 拉科罗纳的基尼系数:分析单位和汇总规模差异的影响
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000111
Marcello A. Canuto, Luke Auld-Thomas, Hiroaki Yagi, Tomás Barrientos Q.
Measurements of inequality, like many other analytical phenomena, are affected by the definition of analytical units (for example, buildings or residential groups) and the spatial unit within which those units are aggregated (for example, sites or polities). We begin by considering the impact of secondary or seasonal residences on the calculation of Gini scores when dealing with regional-scale settlement data, which is a common consideration in regional-scale population estimates. We then use LiDAR-derived settlement data from northwestern Guatemala to calculate Gini coefficients for two ancient Maya sites: Late Classic La Corona and Late Preclassic Achiotal. We investigate how the scale of the spatial unit of aggregation affects our interpretations of inequality using various architecture-based indices. Finally, we provide some preliminary interpretations for the differences calculated between these two centers.
与许多其他分析现象一样,不平等的测量方法也会受到分析单位(如建筑物或居住群体)和这些单位聚合的空间单位(如地点或政体)定义的影响。在处理区域尺度聚落数据时,我们首先考虑次级或季节性居住地对基尼系数计算的影响,这也是区域尺度人口估计中的一个常见考虑因素。然后,我们使用来自危地马拉西北部的激光雷达聚落数据计算了两个古玛雅遗址的基尼系数:晚期古典时期的 La Corona 和晚期前古典时期的 Achiotal。我们利用各种基于建筑的指数,研究了空间聚合单位的规模如何影响我们对不平等现象的解释。最后,我们对计算出的这两个中心之间的差异进行了一些初步解释。
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引用次数: 0
Inequality on the southwest Maya frontier: House size variations in three polities of the Rosario Valley, Chiapas 玛雅西南边疆的不平等:恰帕斯州罗萨里奥河谷三个政体的房屋规模变化
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0956536123000202
Kyle Shaw-Müller, John P. Walden
Being a form of labor investment, house size is frequently analyzed as an index of socioeconomic inequality. However, datasets that lack wide-ranging residential stratigraphic information are not reliable sources of labor investment estimates. This is the case for Late Classic domestic architecture data from three polities in the Rosario Valley (modern-day Chiapas) on the southwest Maya frontier: Rosario, Ojo de Agua, and Los Encuentros. Although the sample's house size inequality generally cannot index period-specific labor investment, it may signify prestige differentiation. For each polity we generated Lorenz curves and calculated Gini coefficients for five variables representing house size (area and volume). Results resemble inequality data from lowland Classic Maya centers. We also demonstrate that the smallest, shortest-lived polity had more equal house size values, likely due to the modesty of its apical elite architecture. In contrast, the two larger, older polities were more unequal because they had substantial palaces.
作为劳动力投资的一种形式,房屋面积经常被作为社会经济不平等的指数进行分析。然而,缺乏广泛居住地层信息的数据集并不是劳动力投资估算的可靠来源。玛雅西南边境罗萨里奥山谷(今恰帕斯州)三个政体的晚期古典时期国内建筑数据就属于这种情况:罗萨里奥、奥霍德阿瓜和洛斯恩昆特罗斯。虽然样本中的房屋面积不平等一般不能反映特定时期的劳动力投资,但它可能代表着声望的差异。我们为每个政体生成了洛伦兹曲线,并计算了代表房屋面积(面积和体积)的五个变量的基尼系数。结果与低地古典玛雅中心的不平等数据相似。我们还证明,最小、最短命的政体具有更平等的房屋面积值,这可能是由于其顶端精英建筑的谦逊性。相比之下,两个较大、较古老的政体则更加不平等,因为它们拥有庞大的宫殿。
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引用次数: 0
Patterns of residential differentiation and labor control at Baking Pot and Lower Dover in the Belize River Valley 伯利兹河谷烘烤锅和下多佛的居住分化和劳动力控制模式
IF 0.7 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1017/s095653612300007x
John P. Walden, Julie A. Hoggarth, Claire E. Ebert, Kyle Shaw-Müller, Weiyu Ran, Yijia Qiu, Olivia P. Ellis, Brett Meyer, Michael Biggie, Tia B. Watkins, Rafael A. Guerra, Jaime J. Awe
The Classic Maya polities of Baking Pot and Lower Dover developed along two dramatically different trajectories. At Baking Pot, the capital and associated apical elite regime grew concomitantly with surrounding populations over a thousand-year period. The smaller polity of Lower Dover, in contrast, formed when a Late Classic political center was established by an emergent apical elite regime amidst several long-established intermediate elite-headed districts. The different trajectories through which these polities formed should have clear implications for residential size variability. We employ the Gini coefficient to measure variability in household volume to compare patterns of residential size differentiation between the two polities. The Gini coefficients, while similar, suggest greater differentiation in residential size at Baking Pot than at Lower Dover, likely related to the centralized control of labor by the ruling elite at Baking Pot. While the Gini coefficient is synonymous with measuring wealth inequalities, we suggest that in the Classic period Belize River Valley, residential size was more reflective of labor control.
古典玛雅 "烤炉 "和 "下多佛 "政体的发展轨迹大相径庭。在 Baking Pot,都城和相关的顶端精英政权与周围的人口同步增长,历时千年。与此相反,下多佛尔较小的政体则是由一个新出现的顶端精英政权在几个历史悠久的中间精英领导的地区中建立起一个晚期古典时期的政治中心而形成的。这些政体形成的不同轨迹对居住规模的变化有着明显的影响。我们采用基尼系数来衡量家庭数量的变化,以比较两个政体之间的住宅规模分化模式。基尼系数虽然相似,但却表明烤锅村的居住规模分化要大于下多佛村,这可能与烤锅村统治精英对劳动力的集中控制有关。虽然基尼系数是衡量财富不平等的同义词,但我们认为,在古典时期的伯利兹河谷,居住面积更能反映劳动力的控制。
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引用次数: 0
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Ancient Mesoamerica
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