Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2272290
Mari Katayanagi, Frens Kroeger
ABSTRACTThis empirical study draws from the extensive academic literature on leadership as a phenomenon and a topic of study, the leadership and peace nexus, and business leadership theories such as resistance leadership, system leadership, and wise and ethical leadership. It examines actual leadership through in-depth interviews of three Japanese business leaders under three themes: how they understand the existing system, connect or envision connecting people, and care for human dignity. The study finds that the leaders appraise the existing system from a broad perspective, attempt to use business to change it, and connect people transnationally. In this process, they illustrate care for the dignity of the people involved. Their vision of transforming their businesses into transnational communities across stakeholders and to change the world for the better can be a model for peacebuilding through business. We also posit that the flexibility and speediness of business leaders’ decision-making and actions are advantageous for peace leadership and that businesses have the potential to engage in peacebuilding sustainably.本実証研究は, 現象としてまた研究課題としてのリーダーシップ, リーダーシップと平和の関係, ビジネス・リーダーシップの諸理論 (レジスタンス・リーダーシップ, システム・リーダーシップ, 賢明かつ倫理的なリーダーシップなど) に関する幅広い学術研究に依拠しながら, 3人の日本人ビジネス―・リーダーへのインタビューを通じてリーダーシップの実態を分析するものである。インタビュー調査では, 既存のシステムをどのように理解しているか, 人と人を繋いでいるまたは繋ぐことを目指しているか, 人の尊厳を守ろうとしているか, という3つのテーマを設定した。3人のリーダーは, 既存のシステムを幅広い視野から評価し, それを変化させるためにビジネスを用いようとし, また国境を越えて人々を繋いでいることが明らかになった。さらにその活動過程で関係する人々の尊厳を守ろうとしていることも示された。諸ステークホルダーを巻き込み, ビジネスを越境するコミュニティに変化させることでより良い世界をつくるというビジョンは, ビジネスを通じた平和構築のモデルとなり得る。本研究はまた, ビジネス・リーダーの意思決定における柔軟性と迅速性が平和のリーダーシップに関する強みとなること, そしてビジネスには持続的に平和構築に関わる潜在性があることを論じる。KEYWORDS: Business for Peacepeace leadershipcommunity buildingJapanBangladeshIndonesiaMyanmarthe PhilippinesSri Lanka AcknowledgementsThe authors are grateful for valuable comments on an earlier version of this manuscript by two anonymous reviewers. We also appreciate comments by Dr Jacqueline Jessica Tay, research assistance by P.D. Shashika Jeevanie and Taufik Hidayah, and editing support by Dr John Lee Candelaria.Ethical ApprovalThis study was approved by the Ethics Review Board, Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Hiroshima University, Japan (HR-LPES-000385).Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Interview, 28 April 2016, Main Office of H.I.S. Co. Ltd., Tokyo. He was then Director Senior Advisor.2. For examples of tourism’s positive and negative effects on communities, see Li (Citation2002).3. Interview, 29 April 2016, Main Office of Motherhouse, Tokyo; online interview, 7 October 2022.4. Online interview, Mr Takayuki Otsuki, Manager of D&O International, 20 October 2022.5. Company information in Japanese provided by the interviewee; on file with one of the authors.6. Interview, 30 January 2017, Main Office of Dari K, Kyoto; online interview, 3 October 2022.7. Interview, 30 January 2017, Main Office of Dari K,
{"title":"Japanese Business Leadership: Business for Peace in Practice","authors":"Mari Katayanagi, Frens Kroeger","doi":"10.1080/10357823.2023.2272290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2272290","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis empirical study draws from the extensive academic literature on leadership as a phenomenon and a topic of study, the leadership and peace nexus, and business leadership theories such as resistance leadership, system leadership, and wise and ethical leadership. It examines actual leadership through in-depth interviews of three Japanese business leaders under three themes: how they understand the existing system, connect or envision connecting people, and care for human dignity. The study finds that the leaders appraise the existing system from a broad perspective, attempt to use business to change it, and connect people transnationally. In this process, they illustrate care for the dignity of the people involved. Their vision of transforming their businesses into transnational communities across stakeholders and to change the world for the better can be a model for peacebuilding through business. We also posit that the flexibility and speediness of business leaders’ decision-making and actions are advantageous for peace leadership and that businesses have the potential to engage in peacebuilding sustainably.本実証研究は, 現象としてまた研究課題としてのリーダーシップ, リーダーシップと平和の関係, ビジネス・リーダーシップの諸理論 (レジスタンス・リーダーシップ, システム・リーダーシップ, 賢明かつ倫理的なリーダーシップなど) に関する幅広い学術研究に依拠しながら, 3人の日本人ビジネス―・リーダーへのインタビューを通じてリーダーシップの実態を分析するものである。インタビュー調査では, 既存のシステムをどのように理解しているか, 人と人を繋いでいるまたは繋ぐことを目指しているか, 人の尊厳を守ろうとしているか, という3つのテーマを設定した。3人のリーダーは, 既存のシステムを幅広い視野から評価し, それを変化させるためにビジネスを用いようとし, また国境を越えて人々を繋いでいることが明らかになった。さらにその活動過程で関係する人々の尊厳を守ろうとしていることも示された。諸ステークホルダーを巻き込み, ビジネスを越境するコミュニティに変化させることでより良い世界をつくるというビジョンは, ビジネスを通じた平和構築のモデルとなり得る。本研究はまた, ビジネス・リーダーの意思決定における柔軟性と迅速性が平和のリーダーシップに関する強みとなること, そしてビジネスには持続的に平和構築に関わる潜在性があることを論じる。KEYWORDS: Business for Peacepeace leadershipcommunity buildingJapanBangladeshIndonesiaMyanmarthe PhilippinesSri Lanka AcknowledgementsThe authors are grateful for valuable comments on an earlier version of this manuscript by two anonymous reviewers. We also appreciate comments by Dr Jacqueline Jessica Tay, research assistance by P.D. Shashika Jeevanie and Taufik Hidayah, and editing support by Dr John Lee Candelaria.Ethical ApprovalThis study was approved by the Ethics Review Board, Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Hiroshima University, Japan (HR-LPES-000385).Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Interview, 28 April 2016, Main Office of H.I.S. Co. Ltd., Tokyo. He was then Director Senior Advisor.2. For examples of tourism’s positive and negative effects on communities, see Li (Citation2002).3. Interview, 29 April 2016, Main Office of Motherhouse, Tokyo; online interview, 7 October 2022.4. Online interview, Mr Takayuki Otsuki, Manager of D&O International, 20 October 2022.5. Company information in Japanese provided by the interviewee; on file with one of the authors.6. Interview, 30 January 2017, Main Office of Dari K, Kyoto; online interview, 3 October 2022.7. Interview, 30 January 2017, Main Office of Dari K,","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"45 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136018809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2266870
Yunjie Hu
{"title":"The stage in the temple: ritual opera in village Shanxi <b>The stage in the temple: ritual opera in village Shanxi</b> , by David Johnson, Institute of East Asian Studies, 2022, 190 pp., US$25.00 (paperback), US$24.95 (eBook)","authors":"Yunjie Hu","doi":"10.1080/10357823.2023.2266870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2266870","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136211662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines how informality has enhanced the ability of the local government in Indonesia’s Bintan Island to achieve cross-border cooperation for tourism development, despite the constraints imposed by the central government. The local government, the article illustrates, has negotiated between the development of the local tourism industry and its increasingly tense relations with the central government by using informality through patron–client relations. Informality has enabled the local government to mobilise private actors as proxies in its pursuit of cross-border cooperation. The government has also used international standards that govern the tourism industry in designated Free Trade Zones to accommodate local needs, such as employment. Informality provides local stakeholders with benefits from cross-border cooperation while simultaneously providing flexibility for foreign capital to operate in the region. The article concludes that informality is both an instrument that the local government can strategically use to circumvent the powers of the central government and something that local elites can use to maintain and expand patron–client relations to achieve their political and economic interests.
{"title":"Informality, Paradiplomacy, and Cross-Border Cooperation: The Development of Tourism on Bintan Island, Indonesia","authors":"Moch Faisal Karim, Tirta Nugraha Mursitama, Sayed Fauzan Riyadi, Roseno Aji Affandi, Fairuz Muzdalifa","doi":"10.1080/10357823.2023.2259080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2259080","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how informality has enhanced the ability of the local government in Indonesia’s Bintan Island to achieve cross-border cooperation for tourism development, despite the constraints imposed by the central government. The local government, the article illustrates, has negotiated between the development of the local tourism industry and its increasingly tense relations with the central government by using informality through patron–client relations. Informality has enabled the local government to mobilise private actors as proxies in its pursuit of cross-border cooperation. The government has also used international standards that govern the tourism industry in designated Free Trade Zones to accommodate local needs, such as employment. Informality provides local stakeholders with benefits from cross-border cooperation while simultaneously providing flexibility for foreign capital to operate in the region. The article concludes that informality is both an instrument that the local government can strategically use to circumvent the powers of the central government and something that local elites can use to maintain and expand patron–client relations to achieve their political and economic interests.","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"126 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135199807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2255374
Phillip H. Park
ABSTRACTThis article analyses the pattern and degree of marketisation in the DPRK by drawing on sources from within that society. In doing so it creates a point of departure from most conventional analyses of the DPRK economy, which prioritise defector accounts. The conventional view, informed by these accounts, is that jangmadang (quasi-free markets) have been created by ordinary people to meet their basic needs. In this view, ‘marketisation from below’ started when the Public Distribution System broke down due to the collapse of the Soviet Union, upon which the DPRK economy had depended. It is also claimed that as the economy has failed to recover from its prolonged crisis, the State has become dependent upon these markets. However, a careful review of materials produced inside the DPRK indicates that marketisation started ‘from above’ in the early 1980s, with Kim Il Sung’s directives to assuage the chronic shortages of consumer goods. As such, this article contends that marketisation in the DPRK began and has proceeded in accordance with the State’s control and influence. The country’s complete closure of its borders to prevent COVID-19 in the early 2020s confirmed that markets play only a limited role in DPRK society.KEYWORDS: Marketisation‘Arduous March’jangmadang (quasi-free markets)jonghap (general) marketsnormalisation of productionDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea)donju (money masters) AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the constructive comments of the anonymous reviewers on an earlier draft of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Numerous allegations exist that the DPRK has violated the economic sanctions imposed upon it. Notwithstanding these allegations, it was reported in December 2022 that only Kwe Kee Seng, a Singaporean businessman, was wanted by the United States on suspicion of sanctions violations. The US accuses him of multiple fuel deliveries to the DPRK, ship-to-ship transfers, and money laundering through front companies (VoA News, Citation2022).2. The Complete Works of Kim Il Sung (CWK, Gimilseongjeonjip) 1–100 contains Kim Il Sung’s words and deeds from October 1926 to July 1994, and The Selected Works of Kim Jong Il (SWK, Gimjeongilseonjip) 1–24 contains Kim Jong Il’s words and deeds from 1964 to 2011. Each volume of these Works contains approximately 82,500 words.3. Under the self-supporting accounting system, each enterprise receives, in addition to fixed capital, only a minimum amount of working capital from the government through the central bank. The enterprise is required to meet the various operating expenses during production, such as those incurred for raw materials, wages, and salaries, and depreciation of machinery and equipment on its own with the funds obtained through the sale of its output. Unlike the practice of turning over all the surplus to the State under the previous system, the enterprise may reta
{"title":"The Process of Marketisation and Economic Realities in the DPRK","authors":"Phillip H. Park","doi":"10.1080/10357823.2023.2255374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2255374","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article analyses the pattern and degree of marketisation in the DPRK by drawing on sources from within that society. In doing so it creates a point of departure from most conventional analyses of the DPRK economy, which prioritise defector accounts. The conventional view, informed by these accounts, is that jangmadang (quasi-free markets) have been created by ordinary people to meet their basic needs. In this view, ‘marketisation from below’ started when the Public Distribution System broke down due to the collapse of the Soviet Union, upon which the DPRK economy had depended. It is also claimed that as the economy has failed to recover from its prolonged crisis, the State has become dependent upon these markets. However, a careful review of materials produced inside the DPRK indicates that marketisation started ‘from above’ in the early 1980s, with Kim Il Sung’s directives to assuage the chronic shortages of consumer goods. As such, this article contends that marketisation in the DPRK began and has proceeded in accordance with the State’s control and influence. The country’s complete closure of its borders to prevent COVID-19 in the early 2020s confirmed that markets play only a limited role in DPRK society.KEYWORDS: Marketisation‘Arduous March’jangmadang (quasi-free markets)jonghap (general) marketsnormalisation of productionDemocratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea)donju (money masters) AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the constructive comments of the anonymous reviewers on an earlier draft of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Numerous allegations exist that the DPRK has violated the economic sanctions imposed upon it. Notwithstanding these allegations, it was reported in December 2022 that only Kwe Kee Seng, a Singaporean businessman, was wanted by the United States on suspicion of sanctions violations. The US accuses him of multiple fuel deliveries to the DPRK, ship-to-ship transfers, and money laundering through front companies (VoA News, Citation2022).2. The Complete Works of Kim Il Sung (CWK, Gimilseongjeonjip) 1–100 contains Kim Il Sung’s words and deeds from October 1926 to July 1994, and The Selected Works of Kim Jong Il (SWK, Gimjeongilseonjip) 1–24 contains Kim Jong Il’s words and deeds from 1964 to 2011. Each volume of these Works contains approximately 82,500 words.3. Under the self-supporting accounting system, each enterprise receives, in addition to fixed capital, only a minimum amount of working capital from the government through the central bank. The enterprise is required to meet the various operating expenses during production, such as those incurred for raw materials, wages, and salaries, and depreciation of machinery and equipment on its own with the funds obtained through the sale of its output. Unlike the practice of turning over all the surplus to the State under the previous system, the enterprise may reta","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135791753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-01DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2255927
Gary Sigley, Zhuolin An
ABSTRACTThis article analyses how and why, during the War of Resistance (1937–1945), Nationalist China revitalised the dynastic system of transportation and communication (yiyun zhidu). Due to the blockade by the Japanese Imperial Army, it shows, everything essential to the war effort was in short supply. If essential items were available, the difficulties in securing transportation were overwhelming. This was exacerbated by the transfer of the capital to Chongqing. The relocation moved the Nationalists further away from China’s emerging modern transport infrastructure. This article examines the yiyun campaign by referring to primary sources and recent Chinese scholarship. The campaign entailed mobilising the population to partake in the transportation of goods using the age-old systems of caravans, boats, and human porters. The Nationalists, however, did not see this as resurrecting an old system. In line with their revolutionary agenda and modernising ethos they held that revitalisation would be informed by ‘scientific management’ (kexue guanli). The article illustrates the complexity of the campaign through the controversy surrounding the ‘management fee’ (guanlifei). As time progressed it became clear that recruiting people to participate in the yiyun campaign would be challenging.抽象的本文分析了在中国抗日战争时期 (1937年—1945年), 国民党治理下的中国是为何, 并且如何复兴封建朝代时期的交通运输系统——驿运制度的。本文表明, 由于日军的封锁, 战争所需的一切物资都处于短缺的状态。如果有必要的物品需要押运, 也面临着巨大的困难。由于战时首都迁到重庆, 令这情况更加恶化:迁都使国民党进一步远离中国有新兴的现代交通基础设施的地区。基于一手文献以及近年来中国学术界的研究文献, 本文考察了驿运运动。驿运需要动员民众去使用年代久远的夫, 马, 车, 船系统完成货物运输。然而, 国民党并不认为这是对旧制度的复兴。根据他们的革命议程和现代化精神, 他们认为复兴将以“科学管理”来实现。本文通过围绕“管理费”的争议阐明了驿运运动的复杂性。随着时间的推移, 受招募的驿运人员参加这项运动将面临明显的挑战。KEYWORDS: Republican ChinaSecond Sino–Japanese Warsupply linestransportationpeasant grievancesyiyun zhidu (dynastic transportation system) AcknowledgementsWe extend our gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback, especially Reviewer 1. Special thanks to Tan Gang (Southwest University, Chongqing) and Yang Haichao (Southwest Forestry University, Kunming) for their invaluable assistance.This article is dedicated to the memory of David Stokes (1969–2023).Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. This article uses Republican Era texts that have been digitised and made available on Chinese document portals (e.g. at https://www.cnbksy.com). Due to travel restrictions imposed during the period of the pandemic we were unable to visit other relevant archives, but fortunately we had support from scholars such as the aforementioned Tan Gang who engaged in archival work on our behalf. Nonetheless for the purposes of an exploratory article we are confident that the use of available primary sources supplemented by recent secondary sources is sufficient to provide an overview of the yiyun zhidu revitalisation campaign. In the conclusion we propose a more intense research agenda to be undertaken once the pandemic-related travel restrictions are lifted.2.
{"title":"Caravan Modernity: The Strategic Revitalisation of China’s Dynastic Transportation System during the Second Sino–Japanese War","authors":"Gary Sigley, Zhuolin An","doi":"10.1080/10357823.2023.2255927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2255927","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article analyses how and why, during the War of Resistance (1937–1945), Nationalist China revitalised the dynastic system of transportation and communication (yiyun zhidu). Due to the blockade by the Japanese Imperial Army, it shows, everything essential to the war effort was in short supply. If essential items were available, the difficulties in securing transportation were overwhelming. This was exacerbated by the transfer of the capital to Chongqing. The relocation moved the Nationalists further away from China’s emerging modern transport infrastructure. This article examines the yiyun campaign by referring to primary sources and recent Chinese scholarship. The campaign entailed mobilising the population to partake in the transportation of goods using the age-old systems of caravans, boats, and human porters. The Nationalists, however, did not see this as resurrecting an old system. In line with their revolutionary agenda and modernising ethos they held that revitalisation would be informed by ‘scientific management’ (kexue guanli). The article illustrates the complexity of the campaign through the controversy surrounding the ‘management fee’ (guanlifei). As time progressed it became clear that recruiting people to participate in the yiyun campaign would be challenging.抽象的本文分析了在中国抗日战争时期 (1937年—1945年), 国民党治理下的中国是为何, 并且如何复兴封建朝代时期的交通运输系统——驿运制度的。本文表明, 由于日军的封锁, 战争所需的一切物资都处于短缺的状态。如果有必要的物品需要押运, 也面临着巨大的困难。由于战时首都迁到重庆, 令这情况更加恶化:迁都使国民党进一步远离中国有新兴的现代交通基础设施的地区。基于一手文献以及近年来中国学术界的研究文献, 本文考察了驿运运动。驿运需要动员民众去使用年代久远的夫, 马, 车, 船系统完成货物运输。然而, 国民党并不认为这是对旧制度的复兴。根据他们的革命议程和现代化精神, 他们认为复兴将以“科学管理”来实现。本文通过围绕“管理费”的争议阐明了驿运运动的复杂性。随着时间的推移, 受招募的驿运人员参加这项运动将面临明显的挑战。KEYWORDS: Republican ChinaSecond Sino–Japanese Warsupply linestransportationpeasant grievancesyiyun zhidu (dynastic transportation system) AcknowledgementsWe extend our gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback, especially Reviewer 1. Special thanks to Tan Gang (Southwest University, Chongqing) and Yang Haichao (Southwest Forestry University, Kunming) for their invaluable assistance.This article is dedicated to the memory of David Stokes (1969–2023).Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. This article uses Republican Era texts that have been digitised and made available on Chinese document portals (e.g. at https://www.cnbksy.com). Due to travel restrictions imposed during the period of the pandemic we were unable to visit other relevant archives, but fortunately we had support from scholars such as the aforementioned Tan Gang who engaged in archival work on our behalf. Nonetheless for the purposes of an exploratory article we are confident that the use of available primary sources supplemented by recent secondary sources is sufficient to provide an overview of the yiyun zhidu revitalisation campaign. In the conclusion we propose a more intense research agenda to be undertaken once the pandemic-related travel restrictions are lifted.2.","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135407500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-20DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2260520
Rituparna Bhattacharyya
"Semiotics of rape: sexual subjectivity and violation in rural India." Asian Studies Review, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
强奸的符号学:印度农村的性主体性与侵犯。《亚洲研究评论》，印刷前，第1-2页
{"title":"Semiotics of rape: sexual subjectivity and violation in rural India <b>Semiotics of rape: sexual subjectivity and violation in rural India</b> , by Rupal Oza, Duke University Press, 2023, 208 pp., US$99.95 (hardback), US$25.95 (paperback), US$25.95 (eBook)","authors":"Rituparna Bhattacharyya","doi":"10.1080/10357823.2023.2260520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2023.2260520","url":null,"abstract":"\"Semiotics of rape: sexual subjectivity and violation in rural India.\" Asian Studies Review, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":46499,"journal":{"name":"Asian Studies Review","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136314066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-18DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2255741
Sinan Levent
ABSTRACTThis article examines Japan’s resource diplomacy in the Middle East by focusing on the activities and ideologies of business leaders before the First Oil Crisis in 1973. By analysing the roles played by four prominent leaders in the oil industry (Idemitsu Sazō, Yamashita Tarō, Tanaka Seigen, and Sugimoto Shigeru), the article illustrates how the beliefs of these leaders intersected with those of the political class in Japan’s oil diplomacy towards Middle East. The approach they took to oil diplomacy reflected the notion of Kōdōshugi (Imperial Way principles and ethics). This form of nationalism had some continuity with the prewar Greater Asianism insofar as it was infused with the religious ethics and doctrines of the ‘Japanese Imperial Way’ and the avoidance of dependence on the West.要旨本稿は、1973年の第一次オイルショック以前の(資源派)財界人の資源確保活動と思想に焦点を当てることで、中東における日本の資源外交を検証する。石油業界の4人の著名な財界人（出光佐三、山下太郎、田中清玄、杉本茂）が果たした役割を分析することで、これらの民間アクターの思想が、日本の対中東石油外交における政治層の思想とどのように交差していたかを明らかにする。彼らがとった石油外交へのアプローチは、「皇道主義」の概念を反映していた。このナショナリズムは、「日本的皇道」の宗教的倫理観と教義を注入し、西洋依存を排除するという点で、戦前の大アジア主義とある程度の連続性を持っていた。KEYWORDS: JapanMiddle EastKōdōshugi (Imperial Way principles and ethics)oilnationalismShigenhazaikaijin (resource-oriented businessmen)Minzokukeishihon (national oil champions) AcknowledgementsI sincerely thank Rikkyo University and Professor Matsuura Masataka for accepting me as a postdoctoral fellow to conduct this research.Disclosure StatementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.Notes1. For Idemitsu’s life story, see Kikkawa (Citation2012).2. At the end of 1956, talks on oil development were already being negotiated between Ambassador Tsuchida and Saudi Arabian officials (MOFA, Citation1957).3. At the time, Kuwait was a British protectorate. They therefore negotiated with the UK and needed approval from London. Thus, acting on behalf of Yamashita’s Japan Oil Export Company, Okazaki made this agreement with the British Foreign Ministry in June 1958 (Asahi Shinbun, Citation1958, 4).4. Sugimoto wrote fiction works consisting of three volumes (Kami no Shiro) in 1975 and 1976 under the pseudonym Nachi Daisuke. He confessed to being Nachi Daisuke in an interview with Shūkan Asahi (Shimomura, Citation1975).Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) (Grant ID No: P17011) and the College of Law and Politics, Rikkyo University.
ABSTRACTThis article examines Japan’s resource diplomacy in the Middle East by focusing on thebusiness leaders before the First Oil Crisis in 1973. By analysing theroles played by four prominent leaders in the oil industry (Idemitsu Sazō， Yamashita Tarō，Tanaka Seigen, and Sugimoto Shigeru)，the article illustrates how the beliefs of these leaders intersected with those of the politicalclass in Japan’oil diplomacy towards Middle East. The approach they took to oil diplomacyreflected the notion of Kōdōshugi (Imperial Way principles and ethics). This form of nationalism hadsome continuity with the prewar Greater Asianism insofar as it was infused with the religiousethics and doctrines of the“Japanese Imperial Way”and the avoidance of dependence on the West。摘要本文通过聚焦1973年第一次石油危机之前(资源派)财界人士的资源确保活动和思想，来验证日本在中东的资源外交。通过分析石油业界的4位著名财界人士(出光佐三、山下太郎、田中清玄、杉本茂)所起的作用，我们可以了解到这些民间行动者的思想与日本对中东石油外交中政治阶层的思想有何交集。放轻松。他们采取的石油外交方式反映了“皇道主义”的概念。这种民族主义注入了“日本皇道”的宗教伦理观和教义，在排除对西方的依赖这一点上，与战前的大亚细亚主义具有一定程度的连续性。keywords:japanmiddle eastk灶d灶shugi (imperial way principles and ethics) o i l n a t ionalismshigenhazaikaijin(resource-oriented businessmen)Minzokukeishihon (national oil champions) AcknowledgementsI sincerelythank Rikkyo University and Professor Matsuura Masataka for accepting me as postdoctoral fellowto conduct this research.Disclosure StatementThe author reports there are no competing interests todeclar . notes 1. For Idemitsu’s life story, see Kikkawa (Citation2012).2. At the end of 1956，talks on oil development were already being negotiated between Ambassador Tsuchida and Saudi Arabianofficials (MOFA, Citation1957).3. At the time，Kuwait was a British protectorate. They therefore negotiated with the UK and needed approval fromLondon. Thus, acting on behalf of Yamashita’s Japan Oil Export Company，Okazaki made this agreement with the British Foreign Ministry in June 1958 (Asahi Shinbun，citation1958,4).4. Sugimoto wrote fiction works consisting of three volumes (Kami no Shiro) in 1975 and 1976under the pseudonym Nachi Daisuke. He confessed to being Nachi Daisuke in an interview with Shūkanasahi (shimomura,Citation1975).Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Japan Society for the科学运动(JSPS) (Grant ID No:P17011) Law and Politics College，东京大学。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-18DOI: 10.1080/10357823.2023.2257828
Ya Zuo
"Sensing China: modern transformations of sensory culture." Asian Studies Review, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“感知中国:感知文化的现代转型”。《亚洲研究评论》，印刷前，第1-2页
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