Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867251
J. Daniel Hasty, Becky Childs
Research Article| October 18 2023 You ain’t from here, are you?: Subregional Variation and Identification in the New Appalachia J. Daniel Hasty; J. Daniel Hasty Coastal Carolina University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Becky Childs Becky Childs James Madison University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google American Speech (2023) https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867251 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation J. Daniel Hasty, Becky Childs; You ain’t from here, are you?: Subregional Variation and Identification in the New Appalachia. American Speech 2023; doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867251 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsAmerican Dialect SocietyAmerican Speech Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright 2023 by the American Dialect Society2023 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.
{"title":"You ain’t from here, are you?: Subregional Variation and Identification in the New Appalachia","authors":"J. Daniel Hasty, Becky Childs","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867251","url":null,"abstract":"Research Article| October 18 2023 You ain’t from here, are you?: Subregional Variation and Identification in the New Appalachia J. Daniel Hasty; J. Daniel Hasty Coastal Carolina University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Becky Childs Becky Childs James Madison University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google American Speech (2023) https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867251 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation J. Daniel Hasty, Becky Childs; You ain’t from here, are you?: Subregional Variation and Identification in the New Appalachia. American Speech 2023; doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867251 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsAmerican Dialect SocietyAmerican Speech Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright 2023 by the American Dialect Society2023 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867207
William W. Donner
Although humor is often used to disparage ethnic groups, it is sometimes used by members of an ethnic group to draw laughs about people from their own background. This article describes the cultural and linguistic contexts of Pennsylvania German/Dutch humor and jokes. An exemplary and influential example of Pennsylvania Dutch English humor can be found in Ted Rickenbach, who performed as “Professor Schnitzel” from about 1927 until his death in 1969. He was very popular during his lifetime and continues to influence contemporary Pennsylvania German comedians. The article contextualizes the main linguistic and cultural themes in Pennsylvania German humor and then discusses Rickenbach’s Schnitzel in terms of his broad discourse features, demeanor and overall presentation. His discourse is a constructed one that expresses or enregisters a Pennsylvania German identity. His presentation both makes fun of himself as a Pennsylvania German while also expressing a regional authenticity and, for many, an endearing ethnic identity.
{"title":"Laughing at Ourselves: Professor Schnitzel and Pennsylvania German Humor","authors":"William W. Donner","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867207","url":null,"abstract":"Although humor is often used to disparage ethnic groups, it is sometimes used by members of an ethnic group to draw laughs about people from their own background. This article describes the cultural and linguistic contexts of Pennsylvania German/Dutch humor and jokes. An exemplary and influential example of Pennsylvania Dutch English humor can be found in Ted Rickenbach, who performed as “Professor Schnitzel” from about 1927 until his death in 1969. He was very popular during his lifetime and continues to influence contemporary Pennsylvania German comedians. The article contextualizes the main linguistic and cultural themes in Pennsylvania German humor and then discusses Rickenbach’s Schnitzel in terms of his broad discourse features, demeanor and overall presentation. His discourse is a constructed one that expresses or enregisters a Pennsylvania German identity. His presentation both makes fun of himself as a Pennsylvania German while also expressing a regional authenticity and, for many, an endearing ethnic identity.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867174
Aaron J. Dinkin, Katie Carmichael
In New Orleans, there is a white, working-class dialect of English, sometimes called “Yat”, that has several notable similarities with that of New York City. These similarities have been argued to be the result of 19th-century dialect contact between residents of the two cities. This paper examines the palm vowel in New Orleans and argues that it too shows evidence of diffusion from New York around this time period. Words of the palm lexical set that have been part of the English lexicon since before the 19th century, such as father and calm, are found to be merged with the thought phoneme in New Orleans, while more recent palm words such as garage are merged with lot. A handful of traditional lot words, such as John and god, are also sporadically attested with the thought phoneme. Since traditional New York City English also possesses a palm vowel backer than lot, with words such as John and god variably included in it—a pattern that is not widely found in other dialects closely connected to New Orleans English—the findings are interpreted as further evidence for dialect diffusion from New York to New Orleans.
{"title":"When PALMs are in your THOUGHTs, you head south: Evidence for diffusion of the low-back vowel system from New York to New Orleans","authors":"Aaron J. Dinkin, Katie Carmichael","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867174","url":null,"abstract":"In New Orleans, there is a white, working-class dialect of English, sometimes called “Yat”, that has several notable similarities with that of New York City. These similarities have been argued to be the result of 19th-century dialect contact between residents of the two cities. This paper examines the palm vowel in New Orleans and argues that it too shows evidence of diffusion from New York around this time period. Words of the palm lexical set that have been part of the English lexicon since before the 19th century, such as father and calm, are found to be merged with the thought phoneme in New Orleans, while more recent palm words such as garage are merged with lot. A handful of traditional lot words, such as John and god, are also sporadically attested with the thought phoneme. Since traditional New York City English also possesses a palm vowel backer than lot, with words such as John and god variably included in it—a pattern that is not widely found in other dialects closely connected to New Orleans English—the findings are interpreted as further evidence for dialect diffusion from New York to New Orleans.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867229
Kristin VanEyk, Anne Curzan
This article analyzes the changing prescriptive aims of the New York Times style guides from 1923-2015. While the editors of the style guides are not always explicit about the political pressures that result in changes from one edition to the next, the development of the entries throughout the 20th and 21st centuries demonstrates the power of standard language ideology at work. By tracing the changing prescriptions over the decades, this study highlights the complicated but important nature of the politics of prescriptivism.
{"title":"The Politics of Prescriptivism: One Style Manual, One Century","authors":"Kristin VanEyk, Anne Curzan","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867229","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the changing prescriptive aims of the New York Times style guides from 1923-2015. While the editors of the style guides are not always explicit about the political pressures that result in changes from one edition to the next, the development of the entries throughout the 20th and 21st centuries demonstrates the power of standard language ideology at work. By tracing the changing prescriptions over the decades, this study highlights the complicated but important nature of the politics of prescriptivism.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867240
Nicole Holliday
Over the past few decades, sociolinguists have begun to take greater interest in how public figures, such as politicians, may employ variation at different levels of linguistic structure in the construction of a public persona. These figures are of particular interest because their public and constructed usages may also illuminate wider social usages and indices of specific linguistic variables. This paper presents results from analyses of multiple aspects of ethnolinguistic variation in the speech of Vice President Kamala Harris during the 2019-2020 Democratic Party Primary debates. In particular, it focuses on her use of selected morphosyntactic features associated with African American Language (AAL), vowel systems associated with California and African American identities, and topic-based differences in the use of selected prosodic variables. Together, these results show how VP Harris selectively employs both enregistered and subtle linguistic variables in the establishment of a highly specific sociolinguistic identity that comports with her unique positions politically, socially, and racially. The results of this study expand our knowledge about how the complexities of speaker identity are reflected in sociolinguistic variation, while further illuminating how speakers in the public sphere use variation reflect and construct both who they are and who we want them to be.
{"title":"Complex Variation in the Construction of a Sociolinguistic Persona: The Case of Vice President Kamala Harris","authors":"Nicole Holliday","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867240","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past few decades, sociolinguists have begun to take greater interest in how public figures, such as politicians, may employ variation at different levels of linguistic structure in the construction of a public persona. These figures are of particular interest because their public and constructed usages may also illuminate wider social usages and indices of specific linguistic variables. This paper presents results from analyses of multiple aspects of ethnolinguistic variation in the speech of Vice President Kamala Harris during the 2019-2020 Democratic Party Primary debates. In particular, it focuses on her use of selected morphosyntactic features associated with African American Language (AAL), vowel systems associated with California and African American identities, and topic-based differences in the use of selected prosodic variables. Together, these results show how VP Harris selectively employs both enregistered and subtle linguistic variables in the establishment of a highly specific sociolinguistic identity that comports with her unique positions politically, socially, and racially. The results of this study expand our knowledge about how the complexities of speaker identity are reflected in sociolinguistic variation, while further illuminating how speakers in the public sphere use variation reflect and construct both who they are and who we want them to be.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"162 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867218
Julie Roberts, Monica Nesbitt
Glottalization in English has a rich history of research, most of it focusing on the origin and change in the feature over time. The current study also explores these issues but with the advantage of two samples of speech: one from the 1930s and one from the 1990s. This time depth allows us to see the possible origin of this feature in an isolated rural area and its change over time as the regional demographics change. We present arguments that the phonetic and social factors surrounding glottalization interacted to produce a new form (glottal replacement) with newly evolving social meanings.
{"title":"What Goes Around: Language Change and Glottalization in Vermont","authors":"Julie Roberts, Monica Nesbitt","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867218","url":null,"abstract":"Glottalization in English has a rich history of research, most of it focusing on the origin and change in the feature over time. The current study also explores these issues but with the advantage of two samples of speech: one from the 1930s and one from the 1990s. This time depth allows us to see the possible origin of this feature in an isolated rural area and its change over time as the regional demographics change. We present arguments that the phonetic and social factors surrounding glottalization interacted to produce a new form (glottal replacement) with newly evolving social meanings.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867196
Alexandra M. Pfiffner
Previous research shows that the amount of glottal pulsing in American English obstruents varies by dialect, with some dialects characterized by high rates of devoicing. The present study is an examination of word-final obstruent devoicing in the Twin Cities metro area of Minnesota. A production task with 30 native speakers in their 20s, 50s, and 80s shows robust devoicing, which is conditioned by multiple linguistic factors. Nearly equal proportions (30%) of obstruents surface as fully voiced or fully devoiced, and the ∼rest surface as partially de-voiced. These results show that obstruent devoicing in the Twin Cities is fundamentally different from devoicing in the Iron Range of Minnesota. Secondary cues to phonological voicing are further examined, and in all cases, the cues are significant factors in the amount of glottal pulsing present in an obstruent, regardless of underlying voicing. However, the cues do not have a compensatory relationship with glottal pulsing. Finally, there are generational differences in the use of cues, suggesting a possible cue re-weighting: older generations rely more on glottal pulsing to signal underlying voicing, while younger generations equally use glottal pulsing and preceding vowel duration. In sum, devoicing in this region is phonologically stable, but phonetically changing.
{"title":"Acoustic cues and obstruent devoicing in Minnesotan English","authors":"Alexandra M. Pfiffner","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867196","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research shows that the amount of glottal pulsing in American English obstruents varies by dialect, with some dialects characterized by high rates of devoicing. The present study is an examination of word-final obstruent devoicing in the Twin Cities metro area of Minnesota. A production task with 30 native speakers in their 20s, 50s, and 80s shows robust devoicing, which is conditioned by multiple linguistic factors. Nearly equal proportions (30%) of obstruents surface as fully voiced or fully devoiced, and the ∼rest surface as partially de-voiced. These results show that obstruent devoicing in the Twin Cities is fundamentally different from devoicing in the Iron Range of Minnesota. Secondary cues to phonological voicing are further examined, and in all cases, the cues are significant factors in the amount of glottal pulsing present in an obstruent, regardless of underlying voicing. However, the cues do not have a compensatory relationship with glottal pulsing. Finally, there are generational differences in the use of cues, suggesting a possible cue re-weighting: older generations rely more on glottal pulsing to signal underlying voicing, while younger generations equally use glottal pulsing and preceding vowel duration. In sum, devoicing in this region is phonologically stable, but phonetically changing.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"115 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867185
Keiko Bridwell, Margaret E. L. Renwick
Over the past century, the wine-whine merger has transitioned from a localized regional feature to a nearly ubiquitous characteristic of US English, a pattern of language change whose social correlates have largely gone unexplored. The present study draws from the Digital Archive of Southern Speech (Kretzschmar et al. 2013), a database of 64 linguistic interviews collected 1970-1983, to analyze the distribution of [hw] and [w] across social and linguistic variables within a time and place where [hw] was still common. Results reveal that while all speakers exhibited variation between [hw] and [w], with content words exhibiting [hw] at higher rates than function words, intra-speaker variation remained stable across apparent time for White speakers, suggesting that the wine-whine merger had not yet reached the US South. However, [hw] use sharply declined among Black speakers over the same period, demonstrating a divergence from the local White varieties corresponding to a changing cultural landscape. Variation in [hw] also occurs across sub-regions of the South. Finally, college-educated speakers were more likely to use [hw], suggesting that this variable should be interpreted as a prestige feature that persisted in the South.
在过去的一个世纪里，wine-whine的合并已经从一个局部的区域特征转变为美国英语中几乎无处不在的特征，这种语言变化的模式与社会的联系在很大程度上还没有被探索过。本研究采用了南方语音数字档案(Kretzschmar et al. 2013)，这是一个收集了1970-1983年64个语言访谈的数据库，以分析[hw]和[w]在[hw]仍然普遍的时间和地点内的社会和语言变量分布。结果显示，尽管所有的说话者都表现出[hw]和[w]之间的差异，实词比虚词表现出[hw]的频率更高，但白人说话者的内部差异在整个表观时间内保持稳定，这表明葡萄酒和哀歌的合并尚未到达美国南部。然而，在同一时期，[hw]在黑人中的使用急剧下降，显示出与当地白人变体的分歧，这与不断变化的文化景观相对应。[hw]的变化也发生在南方的各个分区域。最后，受过大学教育的人更有可能使用[hw]，这表明这个变量应该被解释为在南方持续存在的声望特征。
{"title":"Race, place, and education: Charting the <i>wine-whine</i> merger in the US South","authors":"Keiko Bridwell, Margaret E. L. Renwick","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867185","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past century, the wine-whine merger has transitioned from a localized regional feature to a nearly ubiquitous characteristic of US English, a pattern of language change whose social correlates have largely gone unexplored. The present study draws from the Digital Archive of Southern Speech (Kretzschmar et al. 2013), a database of 64 linguistic interviews collected 1970-1983, to analyze the distribution of [hw] and [w] across social and linguistic variables within a time and place where [hw] was still common. Results reveal that while all speakers exhibited variation between [hw] and [w], with content words exhibiting [hw] at higher rates than function words, intra-speaker variation remained stable across apparent time for White speakers, suggesting that the wine-whine merger had not yet reached the US South. However, [hw] use sharply declined among Black speakers over the same period, demonstrating a divergence from the local White varieties corresponding to a changing cultural landscape. Variation in [hw] also occurs across sub-regions of the South. Finally, college-educated speakers were more likely to use [hw], suggesting that this variable should be interpreted as a prestige feature that persisted in the South.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-18DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10867262
Nandi Sims
In the study of prosodic rhythm, English is a typically characterized as a language with high durational variability between syllables, however contact with languages with low durational variability can cause an English variety to have comparatively lowered durational variability. South Florida’s history of contact between English and numerous Caribbean varieties predicts this type of altered prosodic rhythm. This study explores contact effects in the prosodic rhythm of South Florida (SF) African- and Haitian-Americans by comparing their English rhythm to that of SF Cuban-Americans and North Carolina African-Americans. SF African- and Haitian-American rhythms did not significantly differ from each other or from NC African-Americans for any of the four rhythm measures used (i.e., nPVI-v, %V, ΔC, and varcoC). Both target groups had significantly higher durational variability than that of Cuban-Americans in three of the four measures. Within the Haitian-American group, participants with higher Haitian Creole usage had significantly more durational variability than those with low Haitian Creole use, contrary to what bilingualism with Haitian Creole predicts. The results suggest prosodic rhythm variation is not necessarily solely due to transfer or substrate effects from other languages, rather there may be social reasons for rhythm variation. durational variability than those who use HC less.
{"title":"The English Prosodic Rhythm of African- and Haitian-Americans in South Florida","authors":"Nandi Sims","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10867262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10867262","url":null,"abstract":"In the study of prosodic rhythm, English is a typically characterized as a language with high durational variability between syllables, however contact with languages with low durational variability can cause an English variety to have comparatively lowered durational variability. South Florida’s history of contact between English and numerous Caribbean varieties predicts this type of altered prosodic rhythm. This study explores contact effects in the prosodic rhythm of South Florida (SF) African- and Haitian-Americans by comparing their English rhythm to that of SF Cuban-Americans and North Carolina African-Americans. SF African- and Haitian-American rhythms did not significantly differ from each other or from NC African-Americans for any of the four rhythm measures used (i.e., nPVI-v, %V, ΔC, and varcoC). Both target groups had significantly higher durational variability than that of Cuban-Americans in three of the four measures. Within the Haitian-American group, participants with higher Haitian Creole usage had significantly more durational variability than those with low Haitian Creole use, contrary to what bilingualism with Haitian Creole predicts. The results suggest prosodic rhythm variation is not necessarily solely due to transfer or substrate effects from other languages, rather there may be social reasons for rhythm variation. durational variability than those who use HC less.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"239 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135823909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.1215/00031283-10887774
Daryl Lynn Dance
Research Article| August 01 2023 “Students’ Right to Their Own Language” and the Importance of Code-Meshing Daryl Lynn Dance Daryl Lynn Dance Hampton University daryl lynn dance is an assistant professor and director of the Writing Center at Hampton University. She writes about rhetoric, language, and pedagogy and has been published in College Language Association Journal and Nanzan Review of American Studies. Email: daryl.dance@hamptonu.edu. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google American Speech (2023) 98 (3): 343–355. https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10887774 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Daryl Lynn Dance; “Students’ Right to Their Own Language” and the Importance of Code-Meshing. American Speech 1 August 2023; 98 (3): 343–355. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10887774 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsAmerican Dialect SocietyAmerican Speech Search Advanced Search Copyright 2023 by the American Dialect Society2023 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.
{"title":"“Students’ Right to Their Own Language” and the Importance of Code-Meshing","authors":"Daryl Lynn Dance","doi":"10.1215/00031283-10887774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10887774","url":null,"abstract":"Research Article| August 01 2023 “Students’ Right to Their Own Language” and the Importance of Code-Meshing Daryl Lynn Dance Daryl Lynn Dance Hampton University daryl lynn dance is an assistant professor and director of the Writing Center at Hampton University. She writes about rhetoric, language, and pedagogy and has been published in College Language Association Journal and Nanzan Review of American Studies. Email: daryl.dance@hamptonu.edu. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google American Speech (2023) 98 (3): 343–355. https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10887774 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Daryl Lynn Dance; “Students’ Right to Their Own Language” and the Importance of Code-Meshing. American Speech 1 August 2023; 98 (3): 343–355. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00031283-10887774 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsAmerican Dialect SocietyAmerican Speech Search Advanced Search Copyright 2023 by the American Dialect Society2023 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.","PeriodicalId":46508,"journal":{"name":"American Speech","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135002471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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