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A production and perception study of /t/ glottalization and oral releases following glottals in the US 美国人对/t/声门发音和声门后口腔释放的产生和感知研究
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-06-21 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8620501
David Eddington, E. K. Brown
The articulation of /t/ in American English varies according to linguistic and extralinguistic factors. Concerning social factors, word-final /t/ glottalization is seen more among speakers of African American English (Farrington 2018), younger speakers (Partin-Hernandez 2005, Roberts 2006), and women (Byrd 1994, Eddington and Channer 2010). This paper examines the production and perception of /t/ in five US states: Indiana, Mississippi, New Mexico, Utah, Vermont. For the production study, participants read a letter containing 24 prenasal word-medial /t/s (e.g., kitten) and 28 prevocalic word-final /t/s (e.g., not ever). For the perception study, 22 speakers recorded a unique sentence, each of which was manipulated acoustically in order to yield both oral and nasal releases of prenasal word-medial /t/ (e.g. button [bʌʔən] vs [bʌʔn̩]), as well as tap and glottal stop pronunciations of prevocalic word-final /t/ (e.g. not ever [nɑɾɛvɚ] vs. [nɑʔɛvɚ]). Next, these recordings were presented to participants who rated the speakers in terms of their perceived age, friendliness, pleasantness, rurality, education level, and whether they were from the same state as the participants. The production results for prenasal word-medial /t/ (e.g. button) indicate that younger speakers produced oral releases more often than their older counterparts. Age also was related to the realization of prevocalic word-final /t/ as a glottal stop (e.g., not ever), such that younger speakers and women produced glottal stops more often than older speakers. In the perception study, speakers who used glottal stops were viewed as less educated and less friendly. Speakers who used oral releases were perceived as more rustic and less educated. This paper contributes to the literature documenting the production and perception of /t/ in American English and to the literature that demonstrates the usefulness of using both production and perceptual data to study language variation (e.g., Brown 2015).
美式英语中/t/的发音因语言和语言外因素而异。在社会因素方面,在非裔美国英语使用者(Farrington 2018)、年轻人(Partin-Hernandez 2005, Roberts 2006)和女性(Byrd 1994, Eddington and Channer 2010)中,结语/t/全球化的现象更多。本文研究了/t/在美国五个州的生产和感知:印第安纳州,密西西比州,新墨西哥州,犹他州,佛蒙特州。在生产研究中,参与者阅读了一个包含24个前鼻音单词- middle /t/s(例如,kitten)和28个前鼻音单词-final /t/s(例如,not ever)的字母。在感知研究中,22位说话者录下了一个独特的句子,每个句子都经过声学处理,以产生前鼻音-中间音/t/的口音和鼻音释放(例如,button [b / k / n] vs [b / k / n]),以及前鼻音-结尾音/t/的轻拍和声门停止发音(例如,not ever [n / k / k / v] vs [n / k / k / v])。接下来,这些录音被出示给参与者,让他们根据说话者的年龄、友好程度、愉快程度、乡村性、教育水平以及是否与参与者来自同一个州来给说话者打分。前鼻单词-medial /t/(例如button)的发音结果表明,年轻的说话者比年长的说话者更常发出口音。年龄也与实现前声母/t/作为声门顿音有关(例如,not ever),因此年轻的说话者和女性比年长的说话者更经常地发出声门顿音。在感知研究中,使用声门停顿的说话者被认为受教育程度较低,不太友好。使用口头释放的发言者被认为比较质朴,受教育程度较低。本文有助于记录美式英语中/t/的产生和感知的文献,以及证明使用产生和感知数据研究语言变化的有用性的文献(例如,Brown 2015)。
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引用次数: 0
Lexical Complexities in the St. Louis Dialect Island 圣路易斯方言岛的词汇复杂性
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-7726318
Larry L. LaFond, Kenneth W. Moffett
The Greater St. Louis “dialect island” poses interesting problems for dialect documentation, partly because Greater St. Louis is a transitional area where many overlapping linguistic influences have left their mark, and also because is an area with new immigrant communities, racial divides, and an aging population.Using a sample from survey and interview data from 815 participants over a seven-year period, we examine lexical diversity in Greater St. Louis, comprising counties both in Missouri and Illinois. We discover that both age and place are robust indicators of lexical selection in Southern Illinois and St. Louis. Our findings provide a concurring rationale with phonologically-based studies that supports the existence of a unique dialect island in Greater St. Louis. KEY TERMS: Midlands Dialect, Midwest, Metro East, St. Louis Corridor Hans Kurath, who observed in the 1930s that the Midland area of the Eastern United States was “highly complex,” would today find the dialects of Illinois just as challenging. While many states contain an array of language regions, none contain as many as Illinois. According to the Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE), there are thirteen identified regions in this transitional state, permitting us to examine the influences of linguistic features common to the Midland, North Midland, South Midland, West Midland, Great Lakes, North, North Central, Inland North, Ohio Valley, Mississippi Valley, Upper Mississippi Valley, Lower Mississippi Valley, and Ohio-Mississippi Valleys. Here, we examine lexical variation in Illinois, relative to the region in Southwestern Illinois known as the “Metro East,” five counties of Southwestern Illinois which, together with the city of St. Louis and St. Louis County, form a larger entity: “Greater St. Louis.” Basing findings primarily on phonological features, some researchers have regarded Greater St. Louis as a dialect island. We furnish some lexical evidence that supports this claim, but use a novel approach for examining lexical data within this dialect area. The specific wording of lexical items investigated were based on the Harvard Dialect Study (HDS) (Vaux & Golder, 2003). However, this study yields a new data collection focused on Greater St. Louis, and uses statistical models to analyze the data that have not commonly been used in dialect studies of this area. The term “dialect island” extends the metaphor of the “language island” (“Sprachinsel,”) first coined in 1847 to describe the relationship of a Slavonic community to the surrounding German-speaking areas in East Prussia (Mattheier & Besch, 1985; Rosenberg, 2005; Riehl, 2010). While several dialect islands exist in Europe (see Auer, Hinskens, & Kerswill, 2005), the phenomenon is found in numerous places worldwide, including in the United States. Riehl notes that early studies considered dialects spoken in language islands, “as ‘pure’, ‘uncontaminated,’ and ‘homogeneous,’” however, later research found, “that mo
大圣路易斯“方言岛”为方言文献提出了有趣的问题,部分原因是大圣路易斯是一个过渡地区,许多重叠的语言影响在那里留下了印记,也因为这是一个新移民社区、种族分歧和人口老龄化的地区。使用来自815名参与者的调查和访谈数据的样本,我们研究了大圣路易斯地区的词汇多样性,包括密苏里州和伊利诺伊州的两个县。我们发现年龄和地域都是伊利诺斯州南部和圣路易斯地区词汇选择的有力指标。我们的发现为基于音韵学的研究提供了一个一致的理论基础,支持在大圣路易斯存在一个独特的方言岛。汉斯·库拉斯(Hans Kurath)在20世纪30年代观察到美国东部的米德兰地区“高度复杂”,今天他会发现伊利诺伊州的方言同样具有挑战性。虽然许多州都包含一系列语言区域,但没有一个州包含的语言区域像伊利诺伊州那么多。根据美国地区英语词典(DARE),有13个已确定的地区处于这种过渡状态,这使我们能够研究米德兰、北米德兰、南米德兰、西米德兰、五大湖、北部、中北部、内陆北部、俄亥俄谷、密西西比谷、上密西西比谷、下密西西比谷和俄亥俄-密西西比谷共同的语言特征的影响。在这里,我们检查伊利诺斯州的词汇变化,相对于伊利诺斯州西南部被称为“Metro East”的地区,伊利诺斯州西南部的五个县,与圣路易斯市和圣路易斯县一起,形成了一个更大的实体:“大圣路易斯”。基于语音特征的发现,一些研究人员认为大圣路易斯是一个方言岛。我们提供了一些支持这一说法的词汇证据,但使用了一种新颖的方法来检查方言区域内的词汇数据。所调查的词汇项的具体措辞基于哈佛方言研究(HDS) (Vaux & Golder, 2003)。然而,这项研究产生了一个新的数据收集集中在大圣路易斯地区,并使用统计模型来分析数据,这些数据在该地区的方言研究中并不常用。“方言岛”一词扩展了“语言岛”(“Sprachinsel”)的隐喻,该隐喻最初是在1847年创造的,用于描述斯拉夫社区与东普鲁士周围德语区的关系(Mattheier & Besch, 1985;罗森伯格,2005;Riehl, 2010)。虽然欧洲存在几个方言岛(见Auer, Hinskens, & Kerswill, 2005),但这种现象在世界上许多地方都有发现,包括美国。Riehl指出,早期的研究认为语言岛屿上的方言“是‘纯粹的’、‘未受污染的’和‘同质的’,”然而,后来的研究发现,“大多数被调查的语言空间不仅使用不同方言的混合物,而且还发展了自己的共同语言……(2010,第336页)。虽然方言岛在语言或社会上不是完全同质的,尽管它们在规模和定居历史上可能有所不同(Rosenberg, 2005),但它们都具有与周围地区截然不同的品质。它们是方言的口袋、飞地或殖民地,与岛外的方言有共同的语言特征。大圣路易斯就是这样一个岛屿,对共同出现的语音、词汇和句法语言特征的研究证实,像许多其他岛屿一样,这个岛屿并不完全是同质的。我们证明,虽然东地铁和圣路易斯本身形成了一个语言岛,其特征与伊利诺伊州其他地区不同,但这个岛内部存在裂缝,使得岛屿的两个部分也彼此不同。我们的数据为这一发现提供了大量实例。例如,大圣路易斯地区的受访者不太可能使用购物车这个词,而不是大都市地区以外的伊利诺伊州受访者。然而,大圣路易斯地区的两半在这个问题上也存在差异,这两半都没有复制大都市地区以外的回答。我们的分析结构如下:第一部分讨论了伊利诺斯州定居历史的各个方面并将伊利诺斯州和圣路易斯与这些地区早期的方言研究联系起来。然后,我们提出了用于定量和定性分析调查和访谈数据的方法和研究变量。结果分为两个部分,首先是定量分析,然后是收集访谈数据的定性分析。最后,我们讨论了结果,总结并阐述了其他人可以在此研究基础上构建的方法。 伊利诺斯州的方言混合程度异常之高,这可能与该州的定居历史有关,通过这一历史,连续的移民浪潮积累了语言资源。Wolfram & Schilling(2016)报告说,在1830年之前,美国内陆受到定居者直接向西扩张的影响,他们带来了自己的方言。这些方言部分地复制了东部各州的方言地图,但由于语言接触,方言混合加剧,方言差异趋于平缓,特别是对于“不断扩大的米德兰方言地区”的说话者(美国英语,第114页)。南方伐木工人向沃巴什、桑加蒙和密西西比河流域的迁移,给该地区带来了早期的南方方言影响(弗雷泽,1987),而自然地理则发挥了关键作用,他们沿着河流向北迁移。芝加哥的早期定居带来了来自北方的移民,并进一步扩展到伊利诺伊州西北部的采矿社区。我们对19世纪晚期伊利诺斯州方言的确切性质有一个不完整的了解,但从文学方言的特征中得到了一些口头线索(见Fenno, 1983)。后来的影响来自于从东部延伸到伊利诺斯州南部的国道,这是今天I-70的前身,以及沿着历史悠久的66号公路从芝加哥向南移动到圣路易斯,这是今天I-55的前身,有时在方言研究中被称为圣路易斯走廊。最终的结果是一个有着多层方言的州,一个“……它不仅是移民的十字路口,是从东方到西方的通道,也是南北两个主要文化区域之间的过渡走廊”(Carver, 1989,第190页)。许多人注意到,大圣路易斯地区、圣路易斯走廊以及这些地区以外的南伊利诺斯州地区为方言文献提出了有趣的问题(Callary, 1975;卡弗,1989;弗里德曼,2015;一点,2007;Labov, Ash, & Boberg, 1997,2006;默里,1993,2002;弗雷泽,1978,1987;Kurath, 1972;Marckwardt, 1957;Wolfram & Schilling, 2016)。这种复杂性的一个重要组成部分是在伊利诺伊州西南部发现的,研究人员长期以来一直观察到,大圣路易斯地区在更广泛的米德兰地区形成了一个方言岛(弗雷泽,1987)。地图1定位了美国境内的方言岛,地图2提供了一个改编自北美英语地图集(ANAE)(2006)的可视化图,显示出伊利诺斯州南部周围的米德兰兹方言与圣路易斯地区不同,有一条走廊向南延伸某些北部特征。图1:圣路易斯方言岛的位置图2:延伸到米德兰方言的圣路易斯走廊(改编自北美英语地图集:“NAE方言”)ANAE(2006)进一步报告了圣路易斯岛与米德兰方言不匹配的语音特征,例如/o/和/oh/的明显对比,/æ/的普遍提高,在bat和bad中/æ/的极端前置。ANAE报告说,cut和coat中的元音比cot中的元音更早出现,而且其传统的/ahr/和/ / hr/合并与北部城市元音转移(NCS)合并的现象正在逐渐消失。ANAE还发现圣路易斯走廊的特征与纽约州内陆北部和西部相似,与围绕该地区的米德兰方言不同,对低背合并的抵制与/æ/的发音一致。Labov(2007)指出,/e/和/o/的前后近似“在米德兰地区通常不存在,除了圣路易斯和附近的社区”(第373页,斜体添加)。Labov(2007)还认为,NCS特征不仅揭示了圣路易斯走廊以外的米德兰方言的最强烈分化,而且圣路易斯的发言者比走廊内较小城市的发言者在这一转变上走得更远。这可以作为沿走廊扩散的证据,而不是由社区内的儿童逐渐传播(即传播)。在记录圣路易斯与内陆北部的对齐时,ANAE指出,在许多方面,圣路易
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引用次数: 0
Using Understanding by Design to Build a High School Linguistics Course 运用“设计理解”构建高中语言学课程
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8501379
Amy L. Plackowski
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引用次数: 2
The Importance of Rootedness in the Study of Appalachian English 扎根在阿巴拉契亚英语研究中的重要性
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-7706532
Paul E Reed
The relationship of a speaker’s language to their sense of place has been a focus of much of the sociolinguistic literature and dialect studies. However, the use of differing methodologies and measures makes comparison and contrast of the importance of place across different communities and social contexts problematic and drawing overarching conclusions challenging. To resolve this, the current article presents a way to quantitatively measure place-attachment using a Rootedness Metric that is both adaptable and comparable, permitting more nuanced understandings of place and language. Through three case studies, the author presents evidence that demonstrates the effectiveness of the Rootedness Metric to better understand how attachment to place impacts the phonetic variation in Appalachia. Inclusion of rootedness helps to explain why demographically similar speakers have divergent production, while the production of dissimilar speakers patterns alike.
说话者的语言与他们的地方感的关系一直是许多社会语言学文献和方言研究的焦点。然而,使用不同的方法和措施使得在不同社区和社会背景下比较和对比地方的重要性成为问题,并得出总体结论具有挑战性。为了解决这个问题,本文提出了一种定量测量地点依恋的方法,使用一种既可适应又具有可比性的根度度量,允许对地点和语言有更细微的理解。通过三个案例研究,作者提出了证据,证明了根度度量的有效性,以更好地理解对地方的依恋如何影响阿巴拉契亚地区的语音变化。包括根性有助于解释为什么人口统计学上相似的说话者产生不同的生产,而不同的说话者产生相似的生产模式。
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引用次数: 8
Valuing a Variety of Voices 重视各种声音
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8501390
J. Hasty, Denise Paster, Becky Childs
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引用次数: 1
Unlocking the Mystery of Dialect B 解开B方言之谜
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-7603207
Stuart Davis, K. Berkson, Alyssa Strickler
This article addresses incipient/aI/-raising in Fort Wayne, Indiana. Acoustic analysis of word list data from 27 participants targets both typical items (e.g., write, writing) and monomorphemic trochaic words often overlooked in previous research (e.g., Nike, bison, cyber, tiger). It reports four major/aI/production patterns in the Fort Wayne data, which range on a continuum from no/aI/-raising to phonological raising of/aI/(i.e., raising before t-flaps, a pattern of Canadian raising referred to as Dialect A). In the middle of the continuum is found the elusive Dialect B, a pattern of Canadian raising first documented by Martin Joos in 1942 in which raising occurs in write but not before t-flaps. The authors find that speakers of this type of raising tend not to raise in any trochaic words. In fact, raising in monomorphemic trochaic words, such as Nike or bison, is exceedingly rare in the Fort Wayne data. In tandem with the variation observed within Fort Wayne, the fact that raising has not yet extended into monomorphemic trochaic words further suggests that raising is incipient in this variety. The authors propose that Dialect B is not a separate dialect at all but an incipient variety of Dialect A.
这篇文章介绍了印第安纳州韦恩堡的早期饲养。对来自27名参与者的单词表数据进行声学分析,既针对典型项目(如写作、写作),也针对先前研究中经常被忽视的单形态韵律词(如耐克、野牛、赛博、老虎)。它报告了韦恩堡数据中的四种主要/aI/产生模式,其范围从no/aI/-上调到/aI/的语音上调(即,在t-flaps之前上调,一种被称为方言a的加拿大上调模式)。在连续体的中间发现了难以捉摸的方言B,这是马丁·乔斯于1942年首次记录的加拿大养育模式,其中养育发生在书写中,但不发生在t-flaps之前。作者发现,这种类型的提升的说话者往往不会在任何韵律词中提升。事实上,在Fort Wayne的数据中,用单形态的韵律词(如Nike或bison)抚养孩子的情况极为罕见。与在Fort Wayne中观察到的变体相结合,raising还没有扩展到单形词的粗调词,这进一步表明raising在这个变体中是早期的。作者认为B方言根本不是一个单独的方言,而是a方言的一个早期变体。
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引用次数: 28
Michigan’s Upper Peninsula and the Role of Language in the Yooper Identity 密歇根上半岛与语言在约珀身份认同中的作用
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8501368
Nigelle Cochran
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引用次数: 0
New Dialect Formation Through Language Contact 从语言接触看新方言的形成
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-7726313
P. Carter, L. L. Valdez, Nandi Sims
The situation of sustained contact between Spanish and English in Miami during the past half century provides a rare opportunity to study contact-induced language change in an ecological context in which speakers of the immigrant language (i.e., Spanish) have become the numerical majority. The study reported here is designed to track the phonetic and prosodic influences of Spanish on the variety of English emerging among second-generation Miami-born Latinx speakers of various national origin backgrounds by examining a suite of variables shown in prior studies to exhibit Spanish substrate influence in other regional contexts. We examine two kinds of phonetic variables in the English spoken by 20 second-generation Latinx and 5 Anglo white speakers: (1) prosodic rhythm and (2) vowel quality. Prosodic rhythm was quantified using Low and Grabe’s Pairwise Variability Index (nPVI); results show that Miami-born Latinx speakers are significantly more syllable-timed in casual speech than Miami-born Anglo white speakers. Significant vocalic differences were also observed, with Latinx speakers producing lower and more backed tokens of [æ] in prenasal and nonprenasal positions and more backed tokens of [u].
在过去的半个世纪里,迈阿密的西班牙语和英语之间持续接触的情况提供了一个难得的机会来研究在移民语言(即西班牙语)的使用者人数占多数的生态背景下接触引起的语言变化。本文报道的研究旨在通过检查先前研究中显示的一系列变量来追踪西班牙语对不同民族背景的第二代迈阿密出生的拉丁裔英语的语音和韵律影响,以显示西班牙语在其他地区背景下的基础影响。我们研究了20名第二代拉丁裔和5名盎格鲁白人的英语语音变量:(1)韵律节奏和(2)元音质量。采用Low和Grabe’s成对变异性指数(nPVI)对韵律节奏进行量化;结果表明,在非正式讲话中,迈阿密出生的拉丁裔说话者比迈阿密出生的盎格鲁白人说话者的音节时间明显更多。显著的语音差异也被观察到,拉丁语使用者在前鼻音和非前鼻音位置发出更低、更向后的[æ]标记,而[u]发出更多向后的标记。
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引用次数: 21
Signing Black in America 美国的黑人签名
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8501401
Alison Smith, Walt Wolfram, Danica Cullinan
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引用次数: 3
A Different Kind of Millennial 不同类型的千禧一代
IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/00031283-8501412
J. Ryan
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引用次数: 0
期刊
American Speech
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