Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2291741
Hanan Rezk, Ingeborg Tömmel
{"title":"European neighbourhood policy, the Bologna model and EU-Egyptian cooperation in Higher Education","authors":"Hanan Rezk, Ingeborg Tömmel","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2291741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2291741","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"42 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138948932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-13DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2291957
Kota Suechika
{"title":"Measuring ‘state-diffusion’ in post-conflict authoritarian Syria evidence from the 2021 public opinion survey","authors":"Kota Suechika","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2291957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2291957","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"45 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139005150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2279384
Stylianos A. Sotiriou
ABSTRACTThe rise of Renewable Energy Sources (RES) in the European Union (EU) energy security breaks new ground, particularly after the 2022 war between Russia and Ukraine. With solar and wind power being the two dominant forms, and electricity interconnections throughout Europe to have come under the spotlight, the unregulated Eastern Mediterranean region is vital. It exhibits the biggest RES potential throughout Europe and hosts projects of European concern, such as the EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors. This profile builds on earlier work to contribute to two dimensions: a) theoretically, by showing that soft legalization does not only guarantee security in unregulated environments but can also be expanded to the development of RES and b) empirically, by elaborating on late advancements on RES in the region, with pay-offs for the EU energy security and sustainable development. All these at a time when traditional partners and critical energy commodities come into question.KEYWORDS: EUsustainable developmentrenewable energy sourcesEastern Mediterraneansoft legalization Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In 2020, it was the first time that the RES overtook fossil fuels as the EU main source of electricity. The amount of electricity generated from solar and wind turbines is 15.5 times and 2.9 times as high as it had been a decade ago (Eurostat 2020, 38). Indicatively, in 2020, Denmark generated 61 per cent of its electricity from wind and solar power, Ireland 35 per cent and Germany 33 per cent.2. For a detailed account on all developments and agreements, see (Sotiriou, Citation2020).3. See: https://climate.ec.europa.eu/eu-action/european-climate-law_en#:~:text=The%20Climate%20Law%20includes%3A,of%20emission%20reductions%20and%20removals4. See: https://energy.ec.europa.eu/topics/renewable-energy/renewable-energy-directive-targets-and-rules/renewable-energy-directive_en5. Taking a deeper look, the Euro-Mediterranean partnership has first been established in 1995, following the Barcelona Declaration. Upon that, the Union for the Mediterranean has also been launched in 2008, comprised by the 27 EU member-states along with 16 Mediterranean countries, and addressing the strategic objectives of regional stability, human development, and regional economic development. Both formations lay within the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy, whereas in February 2019, the first-ever summit between the EU and the Arab League has further propelled both parties to strategically engage in areas of common interest.6. See: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_21_4267. Both projects are critical, and as such have been included in the first EU list of key infrastructure projects known as ‘Projects of Common Interest (PCI)’ in 2013, and have retained their position ever since (EUR-Lex, Citation2021, pp. 5–6).8. See: https://commission.europa.eu/news/eu-invests-over-eu-1-billion-e
{"title":"Connecting security with sustainable development in the Eastern Mediterranean and generating pay-offs for the European Union","authors":"Stylianos A. Sotiriou","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2279384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2279384","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe rise of Renewable Energy Sources (RES) in the European Union (EU) energy security breaks new ground, particularly after the 2022 war between Russia and Ukraine. With solar and wind power being the two dominant forms, and electricity interconnections throughout Europe to have come under the spotlight, the unregulated Eastern Mediterranean region is vital. It exhibits the biggest RES potential throughout Europe and hosts projects of European concern, such as the EuroAfrica and EuroAsia interconnectors. This profile builds on earlier work to contribute to two dimensions: a) theoretically, by showing that soft legalization does not only guarantee security in unregulated environments but can also be expanded to the development of RES and b) empirically, by elaborating on late advancements on RES in the region, with pay-offs for the EU energy security and sustainable development. All these at a time when traditional partners and critical energy commodities come into question.KEYWORDS: EUsustainable developmentrenewable energy sourcesEastern Mediterraneansoft legalization Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In 2020, it was the first time that the RES overtook fossil fuels as the EU main source of electricity. The amount of electricity generated from solar and wind turbines is 15.5 times and 2.9 times as high as it had been a decade ago (Eurostat 2020, 38). Indicatively, in 2020, Denmark generated 61 per cent of its electricity from wind and solar power, Ireland 35 per cent and Germany 33 per cent.2. For a detailed account on all developments and agreements, see (Sotiriou, Citation2020).3. See: https://climate.ec.europa.eu/eu-action/european-climate-law_en#:~:text=The%20Climate%20Law%20includes%3A,of%20emission%20reductions%20and%20removals4. See: https://energy.ec.europa.eu/topics/renewable-energy/renewable-energy-directive-targets-and-rules/renewable-energy-directive_en5. Taking a deeper look, the Euro-Mediterranean partnership has first been established in 1995, following the Barcelona Declaration. Upon that, the Union for the Mediterranean has also been launched in 2008, comprised by the 27 EU member-states along with 16 Mediterranean countries, and addressing the strategic objectives of regional stability, human development, and regional economic development. Both formations lay within the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy, whereas in February 2019, the first-ever summit between the EU and the Arab League has further propelled both parties to strategically engage in areas of common interest.6. See: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_21_4267. Both projects are critical, and as such have been included in the first EU list of key infrastructure projects known as ‘Projects of Common Interest (PCI)’ in 2013, and have retained their position ever since (EUR-Lex, Citation2021, pp. 5–6).8. See: https://commission.europa.eu/news/eu-invests-over-eu-1-billion-e","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":" 16","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-29DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2272474
Inga Kristina Trauthig, Guy Robert Eyre
Revolutionary movements, like Salafi-jihadis, often capture public attention. However, as scholars of Salafism have long argued, quietist Salafis are the largest sub-group within, and in many ways the true heart of, Salafism in the southern Mediterranean and beyond. This article has two aims. First, it provides scholarship on Salafi groups in Libya and Algeria not tied to jihadi milieus. Second, it contributes new understandings of Salafi developments in two less-studied countries, namely Algeria and Libya. Via a comparative study of one prominent type of quietist Salafism, known as Madkhalism, in the post-2011 contexts of political transition and civil war (Libya) and limited political liberalization (Algeria), we show that whilst some Libyan Madkhalis partially constrained their rejection of taking up arms or of alliances with ideological competitors, their Algerian counterparts did not. We build on existing scholarship by explaining this divergence at the level of discrete political opportunity structures, both since and prior to the events of 2011, together with intra-Salafi framing competition and core quietist ideological convictions. Overall, we argue that Madkhalism has partially seen a bottom-up-driven shift over the last years that is likely to continue, further reshape the movement, and impact the countries in which its acolytes are embedded.
{"title":"‘Quietist’ Salafis after the ‘Arab revolts’ in Algeria and Libya (2011–2019): Between insecurity and political subordination","authors":"Inga Kristina Trauthig, Guy Robert Eyre","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2272474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2272474","url":null,"abstract":"Revolutionary movements, like Salafi-jihadis, often capture public attention. However, as scholars of Salafism have long argued, quietist Salafis are the largest sub-group within, and in many ways the true heart of, Salafism in the southern Mediterranean and beyond. This article has two aims. First, it provides scholarship on Salafi groups in Libya and Algeria not tied to jihadi milieus. Second, it contributes new understandings of Salafi developments in two less-studied countries, namely Algeria and Libya. Via a comparative study of one prominent type of quietist Salafism, known as Madkhalism, in the post-2011 contexts of political transition and civil war (Libya) and limited political liberalization (Algeria), we show that whilst some Libyan Madkhalis partially constrained their rejection of taking up arms or of alliances with ideological competitors, their Algerian counterparts did not. We build on existing scholarship by explaining this divergence at the level of discrete political opportunity structures, both since and prior to the events of 2011, together with intra-Salafi framing competition and core quietist ideological convictions. Overall, we argue that Madkhalism has partially seen a bottom-up-driven shift over the last years that is likely to continue, further reshape the movement, and impact the countries in which its acolytes are embedded.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"35 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136135556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2265258
Emmanuelle Blanc
Since the 1990s, migration has featured prominently in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The EU migration policy has progressively shifted from a normative-comprehensive approach tackling the root causes of migration through development aid towards a control-oriented toolbox designed to immediately stop migration flows to Europe. This change has blemished the EU’s image as a normative power and contravened the region-building logic of the Barcelona Process. Contributing to the emotional turn in European Foreign Policy, this article argues that this shift corresponds to the behaviour of an actor under the grip of fear. The securitization of migration has permeated the EU institutions and contributed to the social construction of fear, leading to the emergence of fearful emotional practices. Based on the emotion discourse analysis of relevant EU documents, this article highlights the importance of fear as driver of policy change, triggering the EU to deviate from its own normative commitments in its external relations.
{"title":"The EU in motion through emotions: Fear and migration policy in the Euro-Mediterranean context","authors":"Emmanuelle Blanc","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2265258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2265258","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1990s, migration has featured prominently in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The EU migration policy has progressively shifted from a normative-comprehensive approach tackling the root causes of migration through development aid towards a control-oriented toolbox designed to immediately stop migration flows to Europe. This change has blemished the EU’s image as a normative power and contravened the region-building logic of the Barcelona Process. Contributing to the emotional turn in European Foreign Policy, this article argues that this shift corresponds to the behaviour of an actor under the grip of fear. The securitization of migration has permeated the EU institutions and contributed to the social construction of fear, leading to the emergence of fearful emotional practices. Based on the emotion discourse analysis of relevant EU documents, this article highlights the importance of fear as driver of policy change, triggering the EU to deviate from its own normative commitments in its external relations.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136113053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2266665
Sansom Milton, Ghassan Elkahlout, Sana Tariq
ABSTRACTQatar’s role in mediation diminished following the 2017 Gulf Crisis and the regional backlash to its interventionist policy during the Arab Spring. After the resolution of the Gulf Crisis in 2021, the Qatari role in conflict mediation re-emerged with a return to third-party mediation in the early 2020s, receiving widespread attention following the U.S.-Taliban agreement. The post-crisis return of Qatar to playing central mediator and facilitator roles in conflict management has, however, been subject to discontinuities as well as continuities in its mediation style as a result of the crisis in its international relations. This article analyses the evolution of mediation strategy, utilizing case studies of Qatar’s mediation in Afghanistan, Chad, and Libya through a framework focusing on results, modality, acceptability and reception. The analysis identifies key comparative findings on Qatar’s post-2020 renewed role in conflict mediation.KEYWORDS: Qatarconflict mediationpeacemakingGulf statesconflict resolution Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Interview. Former member of the Taliban Political Office. March 2022.2. Interview. Technical staff, Islamic Republic of Afghanistan’s negotiating team. November 2021.
{"title":"Qatar’s evolving role in conflict mediation","authors":"Sansom Milton, Ghassan Elkahlout, Sana Tariq","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2266665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2266665","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTQatar’s role in mediation diminished following the 2017 Gulf Crisis and the regional backlash to its interventionist policy during the Arab Spring. After the resolution of the Gulf Crisis in 2021, the Qatari role in conflict mediation re-emerged with a return to third-party mediation in the early 2020s, receiving widespread attention following the U.S.-Taliban agreement. The post-crisis return of Qatar to playing central mediator and facilitator roles in conflict management has, however, been subject to discontinuities as well as continuities in its mediation style as a result of the crisis in its international relations. This article analyses the evolution of mediation strategy, utilizing case studies of Qatar’s mediation in Afghanistan, Chad, and Libya through a framework focusing on results, modality, acceptability and reception. The analysis identifies key comparative findings on Qatar’s post-2020 renewed role in conflict mediation.KEYWORDS: Qatarconflict mediationpeacemakingGulf statesconflict resolution Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Interview. Former member of the Taliban Political Office. March 2022.2. Interview. Technical staff, Islamic Republic of Afghanistan’s negotiating team. November 2021.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136114165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2252155
Ameni Mehrez, Levente Littvay, Youssef Meddeb, Bojan Todosijević, Carsten Schneider
{"title":"Introducing the comparative study of electoral systems in Tunisia: populist attitudes, political preferences, and voting behavior","authors":"Ameni Mehrez, Levente Littvay, Youssef Meddeb, Bojan Todosijević, Carsten Schneider","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2252155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2252155","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49508076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2250615
Sa’ad Halawani, Jessica Northey
"Violence and Representation in the Arab Uprisings." Mediterranean Politics, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
"阿拉伯起义中的暴力和代表"《地中海政治》，印刷前，第1-2页
{"title":"Violence and Representation in the Arab Uprisings","authors":"Sa’ad Halawani, Jessica Northey","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2250615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2250615","url":null,"abstract":"\"Violence and Representation in the Arab Uprisings.\" Mediterranean Politics, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135715941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2023.2250614
Abbas Assi
{"title":"Stability and the Lebanese State in the 20th Century: Building Political Legitimacy","authors":"Abbas Assi","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2023.2250614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2023.2250614","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42360872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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