Pub Date : 2021-11-28DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.2009253
Rosita Di Peri
{"title":"Democracy in Lebanon: Political parties and the struggle for power since Syrian withdrawal","authors":"Rosita Di Peri","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.2009253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.2009253","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"678 - 679"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42558219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1996764
Justin J. Gengler
ABSTRACT Despite a dramatic increase in the availability and quality of public opinion data from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since the Arab uprisings of 2011, the use of surveys to study international relations and security affairs in the region remains notably rare. One likely reason for the dearth of survey-based work is the assumption that there are relatively few important questions regarding which citizens in the mostly authoritarian MENA states can be expected to influence outcomes, particularly those relevant to Western foreign policy interests that have historically dominated the research agenda. This introduction contends that current events, as well as governments’ own behaviour, contradict the idea that public opinion does not inform or constrain the policy choices of MENA leaders on international and security issues. But it also argues that such popular influence on foreign and security policy should not be the standard for judging the utility of survey-based research. It concludes by introducing the articles of this Themed Section, which, although examining diverse substantive topics, are united in showing the value of survey methods and evidence for generating novel insights about international and security affairs in the MENA region.
{"title":"On the scarcity and promise of survey-based studies of international relations and security affairs in the Middle East","authors":"Justin J. Gengler","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1996764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1996764","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite a dramatic increase in the availability and quality of public opinion data from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since the Arab uprisings of 2011, the use of surveys to study international relations and security affairs in the region remains notably rare. One likely reason for the dearth of survey-based work is the assumption that there are relatively few important questions regarding which citizens in the mostly authoritarian MENA states can be expected to influence outcomes, particularly those relevant to Western foreign policy interests that have historically dominated the research agenda. This introduction contends that current events, as well as governments’ own behaviour, contradict the idea that public opinion does not inform or constrain the policy choices of MENA leaders on international and security issues. But it also argues that such popular influence on foreign and security policy should not be the standard for judging the utility of survey-based research. It concludes by introducing the articles of this Themed Section, which, although examining diverse substantive topics, are united in showing the value of survey methods and evidence for generating novel insights about international and security affairs in the MENA region.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"422 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46734851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-10DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.2001067
Nur Köprülü
{"title":"The unfinished Arab Spring: Micro-dynamics of revolts between change and continuity","authors":"Nur Köprülü","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.2001067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.2001067","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"674 - 675"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46613042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-03DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1996765
Calvert W. Jones, Jocelyn Sage Mitchell
ABSTRACT Research on gender and issue competency stereotypes frequently deems security affairs a “stereotypically masculine” domain. Traditionally, men are seen as more credible authorities in arenas such as crime and the military, while women are assumed to be more credible in “stereotypically feminine” ones like childcare and health. But women’s roles in politics, media, and other influential sectors are rapidly changing in the Mediterranean and MENA region. To test the conventional wisdom, we conducted an original, nationally representative survey in Jordan (n=885) focused on the media sector, using an embedded experiment assessing beliefs about the suitability of men versus women to report and offer commentary on national security affairs—specifically, an internal security threat (a high-profile bank robbery). Strong patriarchal norms suggest that the country should be an “easy case” for theories positing bias against women as experts in stereotypically masculine issue areas. Our results, however, do not support this conventional wisdom, instead suggesting egalitarianism and even a modest credibility advantage for women on assumptions about expertise. Theoretically, we contribute by proposing three novel explanations for why and when women in patriarchal contexts may evade classic sexist backlash, and perhaps achieve greater credibility than men, as authorities in traditionally masculine domains.
{"title":"Women reporters as experts on security affairs in Jordan? Rethinking gender and issue competency stereotypes","authors":"Calvert W. Jones, Jocelyn Sage Mitchell","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1996765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1996765","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on gender and issue competency stereotypes frequently deems security affairs a “stereotypically masculine” domain. Traditionally, men are seen as more credible authorities in arenas such as crime and the military, while women are assumed to be more credible in “stereotypically feminine” ones like childcare and health. But women’s roles in politics, media, and other influential sectors are rapidly changing in the Mediterranean and MENA region. To test the conventional wisdom, we conducted an original, nationally representative survey in Jordan (n=885) focused on the media sector, using an embedded experiment assessing beliefs about the suitability of men versus women to report and offer commentary on national security affairs—specifically, an internal security threat (a high-profile bank robbery). Strong patriarchal norms suggest that the country should be an “easy case” for theories positing bias against women as experts in stereotypically masculine issue areas. Our results, however, do not support this conventional wisdom, instead suggesting egalitarianism and even a modest credibility advantage for women on assumptions about expertise. Theoretically, we contribute by proposing three novel explanations for why and when women in patriarchal contexts may evade classic sexist backlash, and perhaps achieve greater credibility than men, as authorities in traditionally masculine domains.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"434 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43868725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.2001074
Cangul Altundas-Akcay
{"title":"Turkey, the EU, and the Middle East: Foreign policy cooperation and the Arab uprisings","authors":"Cangul Altundas-Akcay","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.2001074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.2001074","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"672 - 673"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47520242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-11DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1989743
Sean Lee
decades? In filling these theoretical and empirical gaps, the author adopts a doublepaired comparison of individuals’ emotions, decisions, and behaviours towards calls for public protests against incumbent rulers in Egypt and Morocco. The author utilizes examples of public mobilization in two Arab regimes, where the outcome of public mobilization was different. This emphasizes the importance of public mobilization against authoritarian leaders in different autocratic settings. To support this argument, the author uses a combination of three methodologies, an ethnographic study based on face-to-face interviews with a selection of respondents from different age groups and socioeconomic backgrounds, speech analysis, and the examination of social media content, mainly Facebook. By analysing members’ interactions on two Facebook groups, We Are All Khaled Said and le mouvement du 20 février, the author depicts participants’ emotions and infers motives related to the improvement of socioeconomic conditions, the consolidation of political and individual freedom, and the assertion of human dignity, behind their engagement in protests against authoritarian regimes in Egypt and Morocco. The author investigates these Facebook groups’ discussions in addition to the in person interviews she conducted with various actors to identify factors that generate both positive emotions and negative emotions. Then, she explains how these emotions and motives lead to either participation or disengagement from protest activities. This book provides a concise and synthetized study on the impact of emotions on individuals’ behaviours and decisions towards participation in protests against authoritarian regimes. In doing so, it sheds light on the reasoning process underlining emotions’ impact on individual decisions of engagement or disengagement into protests. It is a singular, rich, and novel study in the field of Social Movement Theories and Political Psychology, and hence, should be a guiding reference for scholars and students specialized in these fields in general and in the Middle East and North Africa in particular.
几十年?为了填补这些理论和经验上的空白，作者采用了一种双重对比的方法，比较了埃及和摩洛哥民众对反对现任统治者的公众抗议的情绪、决定和行为。作者利用了两个阿拉伯政权的公众动员的例子，在那里，公众动员的结果是不同的。这强调了在不同的专制环境中动员公众反对专制领导人的重要性。为了支持这一论点，作者使用了三种方法的组合，一种基于面对面访谈的民族志研究，选择了来自不同年龄组和社会经济背景的受访者，语音分析，以及对社交媒体内容(主要是Facebook)的检查。作者通过分析成员在两个Facebook群组(We Are All Khaled Said和le movement du 20 fsamvrier)上的互动，描绘了参与者的情绪，并推断出他们参与抗议埃及和摩洛哥独裁政权背后的动机，这些动机与改善社会经济条件、巩固政治和个人自由以及维护人类尊严有关。作者调查了这些Facebook小组的讨论，以及她对各种演员进行的亲自采访，以确定产生积极情绪和消极情绪的因素。然后，她解释了这些情绪和动机是如何导致参与或脱离抗议活动的。这本书提供了一个简洁和综合的研究情绪对个人的行为和决定的影响，参与抗议独裁政权。在这样做的过程中，它揭示了强调情绪对参与或不参与抗议的个人决定的影响的推理过程。在社会运动理论和政治心理学领域，这是一个独特的、丰富的、新颖的研究，因此，应该是专门研究这些领域的学者和学生的指导参考，特别是在中东和北非。
{"title":"Armenians beyond diaspora: Making Lebanon their own","authors":"Sean Lee","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1989743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1989743","url":null,"abstract":"decades? In filling these theoretical and empirical gaps, the author adopts a doublepaired comparison of individuals’ emotions, decisions, and behaviours towards calls for public protests against incumbent rulers in Egypt and Morocco. The author utilizes examples of public mobilization in two Arab regimes, where the outcome of public mobilization was different. This emphasizes the importance of public mobilization against authoritarian leaders in different autocratic settings. To support this argument, the author uses a combination of three methodologies, an ethnographic study based on face-to-face interviews with a selection of respondents from different age groups and socioeconomic backgrounds, speech analysis, and the examination of social media content, mainly Facebook. By analysing members’ interactions on two Facebook groups, We Are All Khaled Said and le mouvement du 20 février, the author depicts participants’ emotions and infers motives related to the improvement of socioeconomic conditions, the consolidation of political and individual freedom, and the assertion of human dignity, behind their engagement in protests against authoritarian regimes in Egypt and Morocco. The author investigates these Facebook groups’ discussions in addition to the in person interviews she conducted with various actors to identify factors that generate both positive emotions and negative emotions. Then, she explains how these emotions and motives lead to either participation or disengagement from protest activities. This book provides a concise and synthetized study on the impact of emotions on individuals’ behaviours and decisions towards participation in protests against authoritarian regimes. In doing so, it sheds light on the reasoning process underlining emotions’ impact on individual decisions of engagement or disengagement into protests. It is a singular, rich, and novel study in the field of Social Movement Theories and Political Psychology, and hence, should be a guiding reference for scholars and students specialized in these fields in general and in the Middle East and North Africa in particular.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"522 - 524"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59875015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-11DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1989742
Shaimaa Magued
{"title":"Hot contention, cool abstention: Positive emotions and protest behavior during the Arab spring","authors":"Shaimaa Magued","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1989742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1989742","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"521 - 522"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44510541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-10DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1989741
Lucia Ardovini
{"title":"The fourth ordeal: A history of the Muslim brotherhood in Egypt, 1968-2018","authors":"Lucia Ardovini","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1989741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1989741","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"519 - 521"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45271784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1981083
P. Silva
ABSTRACT The most powerful European Union (EU) member states have suffered devastating terrorist attacks in the past decades and identify Islamist terrorism as one of the most pressing threats to their national security. They recognize that instability in the southern neighbourhood has exacerbated the threat Islamist terrorism poses to their national security. Adopting an intergovernmental approach, I argue that member states’ southern strategies are a product of threat perceptions and policy response preferences. This article creates a typology of security strategies through using content analysis to categorize EU member states’ threat perceptions and policy response preferences as indicated in national security strategies produced in 2009–2018 period. Based on my analysis of member states’ threat perceptions and policy response preferences to threats emanating in the southern neighbourhood, I conceptualize three southern security strategies: restraint, preventative engagement, and selective intervention. Based on this typology, I identify the EU member states’ southern security strategy. Focusing particularly on the most powerful EU member states, namely the EU-5 , I then apply this typology to make some tentative predictions on the shifts in the EU’s southern strategy post-Brexit. I expect the EU’s southern security strategy to shift towards one of selective intervention in the post-Brexit period.
{"title":"Competing visions for the EU’s southern strategy: Restraint, preventative engagement, and selective intervention","authors":"P. Silva","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1981083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1981083","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The most powerful European Union (EU) member states have suffered devastating terrorist attacks in the past decades and identify Islamist terrorism as one of the most pressing threats to their national security. They recognize that instability in the southern neighbourhood has exacerbated the threat Islamist terrorism poses to their national security. Adopting an intergovernmental approach, I argue that member states’ southern strategies are a product of threat perceptions and policy response preferences. This article creates a typology of security strategies through using content analysis to categorize EU member states’ threat perceptions and policy response preferences as indicated in national security strategies produced in 2009–2018 period. Based on my analysis of member states’ threat perceptions and policy response preferences to threats emanating in the southern neighbourhood, I conceptualize three southern security strategies: restraint, preventative engagement, and selective intervention. Based on this typology, I identify the EU member states’ southern security strategy. Focusing particularly on the most powerful EU member states, namely the EU-5 , I then apply this typology to make some tentative predictions on the shifts in the EU’s southern strategy post-Brexit. I expect the EU’s southern security strategy to shift towards one of selective intervention in the post-Brexit period.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"580 - 610"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59874934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-20DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2021.1974198
Matt Buehler, J. Schulhofer-Wohl
ABSTRACT The increasing sectarianization of the international relations of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is a defining feature of the region’s contemporary politics. Iran has sought to increase its influence among Shi‘i populations of foreign countries, while Saudi Arabia and other Sunni regimes have moved to curtail it. In heterogeneous and polarized MENA societies, like Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq, where the Shi‘a constitute a sizable proportion of the population and compete for political power, it is natural to presume that sectarianization likely increases tension and prejudice against the Shi‘a. Yet, little is known about homogenous MENA societies, where the Shi‘a exist as an infinitesimal, uninfluential minority that does not seek political power. This topic is examined using an original, nationally-representative survey of 2,000 respondents in Morocco. We find that about 59 per cent of individuals express interpersonal prejudice against Moroccan Shi‘a, expressing discomfort at the prospect of having a Shi‘i neighbour. Such prejudice is counter-intuitive, given that Moroccan Shi‘a constitute a miniscule minority – less than .1 per cent of the population. We investigate three hypotheses concerning the sources of anti-Shi‘i prejudice, which locate them in social marginalization, religious beliefs and practices, and views about regional politics. The first two hypotheses are drawn from the existing literature, whereas the third is our unique theoretical contribution. Our results, which find support for the connection between individuals’ views about regional politics and anti-Shi‘i prejudice, advance scholarly understanding of religious diversity in the MENA, showing how international developments can trickle down into interpersonal relations to hinder the acceptance and tolerance of sectarian minorities.
{"title":"The international sources of prejudice against Shi‘a in the Middle East and North Africa: Original survey evidence from Morocco","authors":"Matt Buehler, J. Schulhofer-Wohl","doi":"10.1080/13629395.2021.1974198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2021.1974198","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The increasing sectarianization of the international relations of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is a defining feature of the region’s contemporary politics. Iran has sought to increase its influence among Shi‘i populations of foreign countries, while Saudi Arabia and other Sunni regimes have moved to curtail it. In heterogeneous and polarized MENA societies, like Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq, where the Shi‘a constitute a sizable proportion of the population and compete for political power, it is natural to presume that sectarianization likely increases tension and prejudice against the Shi‘a. Yet, little is known about homogenous MENA societies, where the Shi‘a exist as an infinitesimal, uninfluential minority that does not seek political power. This topic is examined using an original, nationally-representative survey of 2,000 respondents in Morocco. We find that about 59 per cent of individuals express interpersonal prejudice against Moroccan Shi‘a, expressing discomfort at the prospect of having a Shi‘i neighbour. Such prejudice is counter-intuitive, given that Moroccan Shi‘a constitute a miniscule minority – less than .1 per cent of the population. We investigate three hypotheses concerning the sources of anti-Shi‘i prejudice, which locate them in social marginalization, religious beliefs and practices, and views about regional politics. The first two hypotheses are drawn from the existing literature, whereas the third is our unique theoretical contribution. Our results, which find support for the connection between individuals’ views about regional politics and anti-Shi‘i prejudice, advance scholarly understanding of religious diversity in the MENA, showing how international developments can trickle down into interpersonal relations to hinder the acceptance and tolerance of sectarian minorities.","PeriodicalId":46666,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"463 - 491"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48086396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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