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LVC volume 33 issue 2 Cover and Back matter LVC第33卷第2期封面和封底
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0954394521000193
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引用次数: 0
New and old puzzles in the morphological conditioning of coronal stop deletion 冠状停止缺失形态学条件下的新旧困惑
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394521000119
L. Mackenzie, Meredith Tamminga
Abstract This paper probes the well-documented morphological effect on coronal stop deletion (CSD, also called /t,d/-deletion), by which there is more deletion in monomorphemes like mist than in regular past tense forms like missed. We observe that there are, in principle, additional morphological distinctions that could be made within each category: for instance, the “regular past” category contains perfect and passive participles; the “monomorpheme” category typically contains compounds and suffixed forms. We demonstrate that several of these newly introduced distinctions actually have significant effects on CSD rates in a corpus of Philadelphia English. And we argue that these new distinctions are worth attending to because they have consequences for two existing accounts of the basic morphological effect. In each case, we show that the existing accounts do not straightforwardly capture the additional significant distinctions we identify, calling the explanatory power of those accounts into question.
摘要本文探讨了冠位终止缺失(CSD,也称/t,d/-缺失)的形态学效应,通过这种效应,像mist这样的单体词素的缺失比像mist那样的规则过去时形式的缺失更多。我们注意到,原则上,在每个类别中都可以进行额外的形态区分:例如,“规则过去时”类别包含完成分词和被动分词;“单形位”类别通常包含化合物和后缀形式。我们证明,在费城英语语料库中,这些新引入的区别实际上对CSD率有显著影响。我们认为,这些新的区别值得注意,因为它们对现有的两种基本形态效应的解释产生了影响。在每一种情况下,我们都表明,现有的账户并没有直接捕捉到我们所识别的额外的显著差异,从而使这些账户的解释力受到质疑。
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引用次数: 4
LVC volume 33 issue 2 Cover and Front matter LVC第33卷第2期封面和封面
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0954394521000181
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引用次数: 0
Aspects of change in New York City English short-a 纽约市英语短句的变化
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394521000120
Bill Haddican, Michael Newman, C. Cutler, C. Tortora
Abstract This article focuses on change in the “short-a system” of New York City English (NYCE). Recent results suggest that a complex set of tensing rules traditionally described for NYCE are being replaced by several simpler systems. This article reports on a study of this change using a recently developed large audio-aligned parsed speech corpus (CoNYCE). This change is similar to the simplification reported for Philadelphia by Labov et al. (2016). Unlike in the Philadelphia case, however, our results do not show evidence of a single abstract process of change. Our findings, rather, suggest at least two separate changes in the community—one affecting short-a in prenasal contexts and a second affecting pre-oral obstruent contexts. In addition, the results suggest an additional independent process of lowering and retraction affecting short-a sounds in contexts not targeted by the process of phonological reorganization, that is, “trap-backing.”
摘要本文着重探讨纽约市英语“短句系统”的变化。最近的结果表明,传统上为NYCE描述的一组复杂的拉紧规则正在被几个更简单的系统所取代。本文使用最近开发的大型音频对齐解析语音语料库(CoNYCE)对这一变化进行了研究。这一变化类似于Labov等人(2016)为费城报告的简化。然而,与费城的案例不同,我们的结果并没有显示出单一抽象变化过程的证据。相反,我们的研究结果表明,社区中至少有两个独立的变化——一个影响到口前环境中的近视,另一个影响口前障碍环境。此外,研究结果表明,在语音重组过程没有针对的背景下,还有一个影响短音的额外的独立的降低和回缩过程,即“陷阱背衬”
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引用次数: 1
Gender separation and the speech community: Rhoticity in early 20th century Southland New Zealand English 性别分离与语言社群:20世纪初新西兰南部英语的Rhoticity
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394521000090
D. Villarreal, L. Clark, J. Hay, Kevin Watson
Abstract The existence of a shared constraint hierarchy is one of the criteria that defines and delimits speech communities. In particular, women and men are thought to differ only in their rates of variable usage, not in the constraints governing their variation; that is, women and men are typically considered to belong to the same speech community. We find that in early twentieth century Southland, New Zealand, women and men had different constraint hierarchies for rhoticity, with a community grammar of rhoticity only developing later. These results may be a product of a particular set of sociohistorical facts thatare not peculiar to Southland. We suggest that further research in other geographical locations may indeed reveal that men and women have different constraint hierarchies for other variables. Speech communities may thus be delimited along social lines in ways that have not been previously considered.
摘要共享约束层次的存在性是定义和划分语音社区的标准之一。特别是,人们认为妇女和男子的差别只在于他们的可变使用率,而不在于控制其变化的限制;也就是说,女性和男性通常被认为属于同一个语言群体。我们发现,在20世纪初的新西兰南部,女性和男性对韵律的约束等级不同,后来才形成了韵律的共同体语法。这些结果可能是一系列特定社会历史事实的产物,而这些事实并非南国所特有。我们认为,在其他地理位置的进一步研究可能确实揭示了男性和女性对其他变量的约束层次不同。因此,语言社区可能会以以前没有考虑过的方式沿着社会界线划分。
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引用次数: 3
Do Creoles conform to typological patterns? Habitual marking in Palenquero 克里奥尔人符合类型学模式吗?帕伦基罗的习惯性标记
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-07 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394521000053
Hiram L. Smith
Abstract It is widely debated whether creole languages form a typological class; however, crosslinguistic generalizations from functional typology are seldom tested in creoles. Typological studies report a strong crosslinguistic tendency for asymmetries in habitual grammatical expressions across the present and past temporal reference domains (Bybee, 1994:245–8; Bybee, Perkins, & Pagliuca, 1994:151–60). This study analyzes two linguistic variants, preverbal asé and zero, which compete for habitual marking in Palenquero Creole (Colombia). I ask here: To what degree does the linguistic patterning of these forms conform to the crosslinguistic tendency? Results show that, despite Palenquero having widely cited creole features (e.g., preverbal markers and bare verb stems), the asymmetrical expression, distribution, and relative ordering of forms in the variable contexts closely align with crosslinguistic predictions for habituals, thus giving convincing evidence of typological markedness and not a Creole Prototype.
克里奥尔语是否构成了一个类型学类别,这是一个广泛争论的问题;然而,功能类型学的跨语言概括很少在克里奥尔语中得到检验。类型学研究报告称,在现在和过去的时间参照域中,习惯语法表达存在强烈的跨语言不对称趋势(Bybee,1994:245-8;Bybee、Perkins和Pagliuca,1994:151-60)。本研究分析了两种语言变体,前语asé和zero,它们在帕伦奎罗克里奥尔语(哥伦比亚)中争夺习惯性标记。我在这里问:这些形式的语言模式在多大程度上符合跨语言趋势?结果表明,尽管帕伦奎罗具有广泛引用的克里奥尔语特征(例如,语前标记和裸露的动词词干),但在可变语境中,形式的不对称表达、分布和相对顺序与对习惯者的跨语言预测密切一致,从而为类型标记而非克里奥尔语原型提供了令人信服的证据。
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引用次数: 1
Perceptual validation of vowel normalization methods for variationist research 变分研究中元音归一化方法的感知验证
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394521000016
Santiago Barreda
Abstract The evaluation of normalization methods sometimes focuses on the maximization of vowel-space similarity. This focus can lead to the adoption of methods that erase legitimate phonetic variation from our data, that is, overnormalization. First, a production corpus is presented that highlights three types of variation in formant patterns: uniform scaling, nonuniform scaling, and centralization. Then the results of two perceptual experiments are presented, both suggesting that listeners tend to ignore variation according to uniform scaling, while associating nonuniform scaling and centralization with phonetic differences. Overall, results suggest that normalization methods that remove variation not according to uniform scaling can remove legitimate phonetic variation from vowel formant data. As a result, although these methods can provide more similar vowel spaces, they do so by erasing phonetic variation from vowel data that may be socially and linguistically meaningful, including a potential male-female difference in the low vowels in our corpus.
规范化方法的评价有时侧重于元音空间相似性的最大化。这种关注可能导致采用从数据中删除合法语音变化的方法,即过度规范化。首先,提出了一个生产语料库,突出了三种类型的形成模式变化:均匀缩放、非均匀缩放和集中化。两个感知实验的结果都表明,听者倾向于忽略均匀标度的变化,而将非均匀标度和集中化与语音差异联系起来。总体而言,研究结果表明,去除非均匀标度变化的归一化方法可以从元音形成峰数据中去除合法的语音变化。因此,尽管这些方法可以提供更多相似的元音空间,但它们是通过消除元音数据中的语音变化来实现的,这些语音变化可能具有社会和语言意义,包括语料库中低元音的潜在男女差异。
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引用次数: 8
Obviously undergoing change: Adverbs of evidentiality across time and space 显然正在发生变化:跨越时间和空间的证据性广告
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394520000216
Sali A. Tagliamonte, Jennifer Smith
Abstract Increasingly globalized communication networks in the modern world may influence traditional patterns of linguistic change: in contrast to an orderly sequential pathway of change, more recently a number of “mega trends” have been identified, which accelerate simultaneously in time and space. The rise of obviously within the cohort of adverbs of evidentiality—naturally, evidently, clearly, and of course—may be one such trend. To examine this possibility, we conduct a large-scale sociolinguistic analysis of c12,000 adverbs of evidentiality across over thirty communities in the UK and Canada. The results reveal parallel development across time and space: obviously advances rapidly among individuals born in the 1960s in both countries. The rise of obviously illustrates key attributes that are beginning to emerge from other rapidly innovating features: “off the shelf” changes that (1) are easily borrowed, (2) receptive to global trends, but (3) exhibit parallel patterns as the change progresses.
摘要现代世界日益全球化的传播网络可能会影响传统的语言变化模式:与有序的顺序变化路径相反,最近发现了一些“大趋势”,它们在时间和空间上同时加速。证据性副词群中明显的崛起——自然地,明显地,当然——可能就是这样的趋势之一。为了检验这种可能性,我们对英国和加拿大30多个社区的2000年证据性副词进行了大规模的社会语言学分析。研究结果揭示了跨越时间和空间的平行发展:在这两个国家,出生于20世纪60年代的人明显进步迅速。的兴起显然说明了其他快速创新特征中开始出现的关键属性:“现成”的变化,这些变化(1)很容易被借用,(2)能够接受全球趋势,但(3)随着变化的发展,呈现出平行的模式。
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引用次数: 5
LVC volume 33 issue 1 Cover and Front matter LVC第33卷第1期封面和封面
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0954394521000132
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引用次数: 0
Vague eggs and tags: Prevelar merger in Seattle 模糊的鸡蛋和标签:西雅图的Preverar合并
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0954394521000028
Valerie Freeman
Abstract This study describes prevelar merger, the raising of low-front /æ, ɛ/ and lowering of mid-front /e/ before the voiced velar /ɡ/, in Seattle, Washington. In the most advanced part of this change in progress, all twenty speakers (age 18–62, half men, half women, all white) produced /ɛɡ/ and /eɡ/ (beg, vague) as upgliding diphthongs merged in F1 and F2 directly between their nonprevelar counterparts (dress, face). /æɡ/ (bag) was also diphthongal, but its height varied between speakers, with middle-aged men showing near-complete three-way merger with beg-vague and younger speakers raising less, suggesting reversal or avoidance of this component. Previous work lacked information about vague and thus described bag- and beg-raising as failing to reach the height of nonprevelar face. This study revealed that vague is lowered, creating a merger target for both raised beg and bag within a separate diphthongal prevelar subsystem.
摘要本研究描述了华盛顿州西雅图市的前合并,即在浊音velar之前提高低锋/æ,/和降低中锋/e/。在这一变化的最高级阶段,所有20位演讲者(年龄18-62岁,一半是男性,一半是女性,全是白人)都产生了/和/(beg,vague),因为在F1和F2中,向上滑动的双元音直接在非狂欢的对应物(衣服、脸)之间融合/æõ/(bag)也是双元音的,但它的高度因说话者而异,中年男性表现出与beg模糊的几乎完全三元合并,年轻的说话者提高的幅度较小,这表明这一成分被颠倒或回避了。先前的工作缺乏关于模糊的信息,因此将举起袋子和乞讨描述为未能达到非狂欢脸的高度。这项研究表明,模糊性被降低,在一个单独的双元音prevelar子系统中为提高的乞求和袋子创造了合并目标。
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引用次数: 3
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Language Variation and Change
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