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‘Wounded religious masculinities’: Muslim men’s opposition against male circumcision in Turkey “受伤的宗教男子气概”:土耳其穆斯林男子反对男性割礼
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-25 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2103408
Atilla Barutçu
ABSTRACT Male circumcision maintains a strong connection with religious responsibilities and masculinity construction in Turkey, but some Muslim men oppose this ritual today. This paper argues that opposing approaches to male circumcision on religious grounds do not necessarily enable a critical view of masculinity in general. Muslim men’s opposition against male circumcision shows four interdependent approaches about the juxtaposition of male circumcision, religion, and masculinity: (1) ‘Defending anti-circumcision’ as an example of practicing religion correctly, (2) ‘practicing religion correctly’ as a necessity for piety, (3) ‘piety’ as a requirement for masculinity, and (4) hence defending anti-circumcision as an obligation for ‘masculinity.’ The fourth point takes us back to the first one, and this creates a cycle which also shows how these men construct their own masculinity. The study shows that being circumcised and uncircumcised can both be positioned as a strategy that supports masculinity and internal hegemony in the same geography.
在土耳其,男性割礼与宗教责任和男子气概建设有着密切的联系,但今天一些穆斯林男性反对这一仪式。本文认为,以宗教为基础的反对男性割礼的方法并不一定能够对男性气质产生批判的看法。穆斯林男性对男性割礼的反对显示了四种相互依赖的方法,将男性割礼、宗教和男子气概并列在一起:(1)“捍卫反割礼”作为正确实践宗教的例子,(2)“正确实践宗教”是虔诚的必要条件,(3)“虔诚”是男子气概的必要条件,(4)因此捍卫反割礼是“男子气概”的义务。“第四点把我们带回到第一点,这形成了一个循环,也显示了这些男人是如何构建自己的男子气概的。”研究表明,割包皮和未割包皮都可以被定位为在同一地域支持男性气概和内部霸权的策略。
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引用次数: 2
The motives behind the AKP’s foreign policy: neo-Ottomanism and strategic autonomy 正义与发展党外交政策背后的动机:新奥斯曼主义和战略自治
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-21 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2100700
M. Yavuz
ABSTRACT This paper examines the role of ideas and identities in the making of the AKP’s foreign policy in Turkey. After briefly examining the institutional and international constraints on Turkish foreign policy before 2002, the discussion turns to the driving factors in three evolutionary stages of AKP’s foreign policy. It becomes apparent that a neo-Ottoman worldview and accompanying identity constitute the interpretive framework of the AKP’s political elite. The article traces how this worldview became dominant in Turkey’s policy making after the government dismantled the country’s Kemalist institutions and the AKP consolidated its political power.
本文考察了思想和身份在土耳其正义与发展党外交政策制定中的作用。在简要考察了2002年前土耳其外交政策的制度和国际制约因素之后,讨论转向了正义与发展党外交政策三个演化阶段的驱动因素。很明显,新奥斯曼世界观和随之而来的身份构成了正义与发展党政治精英的解释框架。这篇文章追溯了在政府废除了国家的凯末尔主义机构和正义与发展党巩固了其政治权力之后,这种世界观如何在土耳其的政策制定中占据主导地位。
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引用次数: 11
Turkish Cooperatives Society and the ruling party in the 1930s: the rise and fall of a regimented public sphere 土耳其合作社和20世纪30年代的执政党:一个受管制的公共领域的兴衰
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-21 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2101363
E. T. Vardağlı
ABSTRACT This study scrutinizes the relations between the cooperative societies and the ruling party in Turkey in the 1930s. The ruling party (the Republican Peoples’ Party) mobilized the cooperative societies to avert the subversive effects of the Great Depression. Besides their economic significance, cooperative societies were formulated as alternative communication channels between the ruler and the ruled. It is argued that under the single party regime the RPP generated a regimented public sphere over these organizations to forward its messages to the masses. The periodicals published by the Turkish Cooperatives Society, the national federation of the cooperatives, provide invaluable insights into the catalyzer role of the bureaucratic intelligentsia in the construction and deconstruction of this public sphere. It is suggested that the interactions between the ruling authority and the bureaucratic intelligentsia generate a certain pattern of political culture displaying the dialectical forces immanent to any public sphere.
本研究考察了20世纪30年代土耳其合作社与执政党之间的关系。执政党(共和人民党)动员合作社以避免大萧条的颠覆性影响。除了它们的经济意义之外,合作社还被制定为统治者和被统治者之间的另一种沟通渠道。有人认为,在一党制下,人民党在这些组织之上建立了一个有组织的公共领域,将其信息传递给群众。土耳其合作社协会(全国合作社联合会)出版的期刊对官僚知识分子在建设和解构这一公共领域中的催化作用提供了宝贵的见解。统治权威与官僚知识分子之间的互动产生了某种政治文化模式,显示出任何公共领域所固有的辩证力量。
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引用次数: 0
Private benefits, fiscal costs and economic resource costs of the private defined contribution pension systems in Turkey 土耳其私人固定缴款养恤金制度的私人利益、财政成本和经济资源成本
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2094783
G. Jenkins, G. Olasehinde-Williams, Roya Amel
ABSTRACT This study addresses economic issues associated with the private defined benefit pension system in Turkey. Findings show that the new Turkish pension scheme has generated significant welfare improvements for individual investors, but at a loss in tax revenue and an economic resource cost to the country. If the bank-administered Tax-Free Contribution Accounts and/or Tax-Free Savings Accounts, similar to those operating in Canada, were adopted in Turkey and the requirement of holding government securities was lifted, such schemes would provide contributors with benefits similar to what they currently enjoy under the new Turkish scheme, while eliminating the economic resource costs of administration and improving their net fiscal impact.
本研究解决了与土耳其私人固定收益养老金制度相关的经济问题。调查结果表明,新的土耳其养老金计划为个人投资者带来了显著的福利改善,但却造成了税收收入的损失和国家的经济资源成本。如果土耳其采用与加拿大类似的银行管理的免税贡献账户和/或免税储蓄账户,并取消持有政府证券的要求,这些计划将为缴款人提供与他们目前在土耳其新计划下享有的福利相似的福利,同时消除管理的经济资源成本并改善其净财政影响。
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引用次数: 0
America and the making of modern Turkey: science, culture and political alliances 美国与现代土耳其的形成:科学、文化和政治联盟
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2093639
Ertuğrul Zengin
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引用次数: 1
Hotels and highways: the construction of modernization theory in Cold War Turkey 酒店与公路:冷战时期土耳其现代化理论的建构
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2093108
A. Erken
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引用次数: 0
Islamic Theology in the Turkish Republic 土耳其共和国的伊斯兰神学
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-26 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2083860
Ravza Altuntaş-Çakır
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引用次数: 0
Between escalation and détente: Greek-Turkish relations in the aftermath of the Eastern Mediterranean crisis 在升级与缓和之间:东地中海危机后希腊与土耳其的关系
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2087509
I. N. Grigoriadis
ABSTRACT This paper aims to evaluate the state of Greek-Turkish relations in light of recent developments in the reconfiguration of Turkish foreign policy. Following twenty years of détente and relative calm in bilateral relations, the year 2020 witnessed two escalations in Greek-Turkish relations, one in March involving refugees and immigrants on the Greek-Turkish land border and another in August involving military vessels of the two countries. The refugee crisis and potential military conflict regarding energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean have raised tensions at a moment the political and institutional tools for the promotion of conflict resolution between Greece and Turkey linked to Turkey’s EU membership perspective appear to be obsolete. This paper seeks an answer to the question of whether structural or ideational factors played the most prominent role in the recent escalation of the Greek-Turkish disputes.
本文旨在根据土耳其外交政策重组的最新发展来评估希腊与土耳其的关系状况。在双边关系缓和和相对平静的二十年之后,2020年希腊-土耳其关系两次升级,一次是在3月,涉及希腊-土耳其陆地边界的难民和移民,另一次是在8月,涉及两国军舰。难民危机和地中海东部能源勘探的潜在军事冲突加剧了紧张局势,与土耳其加入欧盟有关的促进希腊和土耳其之间冲突解决的政治和制度工具似乎已经过时。本文试图回答结构因素还是观念因素在最近希腊-土耳其争端的升级中发挥了最突出的作用。
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引用次数: 5
Beyond mutually hurting stalemate: why did the peace process in Turkey (2009–2015) fail? 除了相互伤害的僵局之外:为什么土耳其的和平进程(2009-2015)失败了?
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2085094
Musa Akgül, Çiğdem Görgün Akgül
ABSTRACT This study investigates the peace process between the Turkish government and the PKK, invoking the mutually hurting stalemate (MHS) and mutually enticing opportunity (MEO) formulations of Ripeness Theory. It questions why the negotiations failed although Turkey’s conditions had become ripe for resolution. This research shows that even though the ripe moment occurred before the process steered the parties toward the negotiation table, their perspectives regarding the table ultimately changed due to both domestic and international developments. Hence, the MHS seized at the beginning of the process did not turn into the MEO that would lead to resolution.
本研究运用成熟度理论中的互伤僵局(MHS)和互诱机会(MEO)表述,考察土耳其政府与库尔德工人党之间的和平进程。它质疑,尽管土耳其解决问题的条件已经成熟,但为什么谈判失败了。这项研究表明,尽管在谈判过程将各方引向谈判桌前之前,时机已经成熟,但由于国内和国际形势的发展,他们对谈判桌前的看法最终发生了变化。因此,在这个过程开始时抓住的MHS并没有变成导致解决的MEO。
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引用次数: 0
Secular but conservative? Youth, gender, and intimacy in Turkey 世俗但保守?土耳其的青年、性别和亲密关系
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2085095
Cenk Özbay, Maral Erol, C. Bagci, Nurcan Özkaplan
ABSTRACT This article contributes to studies on youth in Turkey by exploring gender, sexuality, intimacy, and relationship practices among college students. Our findings show that there is change (a) towards greater gender equality; (b) about attitudes regarding family, sexuality, and romance; and (c) in understanding and experiencing gendered violence in the groups of students we examined. Progressive values appear to become more common among the participants despite the increasingly conservative tone of the political and cultural climate. However, traditional relationship patterns and norms, including the idealization of monogamous relationships, robust familial ties, and sensitivity for moral reputation, seem prevalent even though these were not associated with the ascendant politico-religious conservatism. By constituting ‘secular but conservative’ intimate selves and relations, our respondents approve the freedom and right to explore possibilities for others, and yet not immediately for themselves, as they preserve an unequivocal moral self.
本文通过探讨土耳其大学生的性别、性行为、亲密关系和关系实践,为土耳其青年研究做出贡献。我们的研究结果表明,存在以下变化:(a)性别平等程度提高;(b)关于对家庭、性和浪漫的态度;(c)在我们调查的学生群体中理解和经历性别暴力。尽管政治和文化气候的基调越来越保守,但进步价值观似乎在参与者中变得越来越普遍。然而,传统的关系模式和规范,包括对一夫一妻制关系的理想化、牢固的家庭关系和对道德声誉的敏感,似乎普遍存在,尽管这些与政治-宗教保守主义的崛起无关。通过构建“世俗但保守”的亲密自我和关系,我们的受访者认可为他人探索可能性的自由和权利,而不是立即为自己,因为他们保留了明确的道德自我。
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Turkish Studies
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