Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2118052
Müge Neda Altınoklu, Cemil Boyraz
ABSTRACT The global economic crisis and the associated economic downturn in Turkey revitalized debates about the theory and politics of the middle classes. The significance of the middle classes has historically been shaped by not only the ‘declining’ boundaries of their objective class position but also their ‘rising’ importance in the reproduction of capital accumulation and hegemonic relations. Inspired by the notion of ‘contradictory class locations’ offered by Erik Olin Wright to make sense of the growing middle class of nonmanual labor in contemporary capitalist societies, and with a particular focus on Turkey’s hardware sector and small traders in the Karaköy region, this article addresses the specific historical conditions of these small traders' class formation and analyzes their experiences with changing market conditions, their approaches to the functioning of market mechanisms, and the role of the state, as well as forms of their political representation.
{"title":"A debate on the theory of contradictory class locations and middle classes: reproduction strategies of small traders in Turkey","authors":"Müge Neda Altınoklu, Cemil Boyraz","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2118052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2118052","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The global economic crisis and the associated economic downturn in Turkey revitalized debates about the theory and politics of the middle classes. The significance of the middle classes has historically been shaped by not only the ‘declining’ boundaries of their objective class position but also their ‘rising’ importance in the reproduction of capital accumulation and hegemonic relations. Inspired by the notion of ‘contradictory class locations’ offered by Erik Olin Wright to make sense of the growing middle class of nonmanual labor in contemporary capitalist societies, and with a particular focus on Turkey’s hardware sector and small traders in the Karaköy region, this article addresses the specific historical conditions of these small traders' class formation and analyzes their experiences with changing market conditions, their approaches to the functioning of market mechanisms, and the role of the state, as well as forms of their political representation.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"75 1","pages":"330 - 356"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84528000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2116317
A. Kurtgözü
ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the history of Turkey’s efforts to establish a national automotive industry, which culminated in a state-driven project to build a Turkish automobile, the Devrim (Revolution), in 1961. The outcome of the project was three prototypes unveiled in Republic Day ceremonies, but quickly left in oblivion afterwards. This paper investigates the possible causes of the termination of the project, arguing that building a Turkish car had great symbolic significance for the identity of a nation in the quest for modernization and Westernization. The project was difficult to sustain considering the vexed political and ideological motivations invested in it.
{"title":"Turkey makes its own car: automotive ventures and the cars of the revolution","authors":"A. Kurtgözü","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2116317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2116317","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the history of Turkey’s efforts to establish a national automotive industry, which culminated in a state-driven project to build a Turkish automobile, the Devrim (Revolution), in 1961. The outcome of the project was three prototypes unveiled in Republic Day ceremonies, but quickly left in oblivion afterwards. This paper investigates the possible causes of the termination of the project, arguing that building a Turkish car had great symbolic significance for the identity of a nation in the quest for modernization and Westernization. The project was difficult to sustain considering the vexed political and ideological motivations invested in it.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"278 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84031975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2117620
Neslihan Demirtaş-Milz, Ahmet Barbak
ABSTRACT Turkey’s institution of night watchmanship, or bekçilik, almost vanished during the 1990s as new recruitment was halted. Since 2016, however, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has renewed recruitment in line with its agenda of revitalizing the institution, with recruits now officially named Market and Neighborhood Watchmen. The new regulatory and administrative context is highly centralized while their duties are scarcely different from those of the regular police forces, giving the institution’s longstanding ambiguity or in-betweenness a more complicated form. In its attempt to publicly legitimize the institution, the AKP has relied on myth creation. Accordingly, this article contextualizes this process of double myth creation at the intersection of Turkey’s neoliberal security sector reforms and AKP’s securitization policies. In doing so, the article reveals the reasons underlying growing public anxiety regarding the institution.
{"title":"What makes the re-instatement of night watchmanship dubious in Turkey: myth making, identity crisis and securitization policies","authors":"Neslihan Demirtaş-Milz, Ahmet Barbak","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2117620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2117620","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Turkey’s institution of night watchmanship, or bekçilik, almost vanished during the 1990s as new recruitment was halted. Since 2016, however, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has renewed recruitment in line with its agenda of revitalizing the institution, with recruits now officially named Market and Neighborhood Watchmen. The new regulatory and administrative context is highly centralized while their duties are scarcely different from those of the regular police forces, giving the institution’s longstanding ambiguity or in-betweenness a more complicated form. In its attempt to publicly legitimize the institution, the AKP has relied on myth creation. Accordingly, this article contextualizes this process of double myth creation at the intersection of Turkey’s neoliberal security sector reforms and AKP’s securitization policies. In doing so, the article reveals the reasons underlying growing public anxiety regarding the institution.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"99 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78090440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2111646
Mehmet Gurses
{"title":"Return To Point Zero: The Turkish-Kurdish Question and How Politics and Ideas (Re)Make Empires, Nations, and States","authors":"Mehmet Gurses","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2111646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2111646","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"3 3 1","pages":"199 - 201"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76316236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2093109
Erdem Sönmez
second step or level one should also recognize a civilizational perspective and standpoint. From the very beginning, American enterprise concentrated not on narrow American interests but conveying Western values and perceptions to a Muslim country. Thus the social scientists, economists, businesspeople, and politicians who cooperated with the Rockefeller or Ford Foundations were not mere agents of American interests in Turkey but the agents of Westernization. However, this level of analysis is also not adequate. In the third level, especially revealed in the activities of John Marshall, the American endeavor had a two-sided dimension. American bureaucrats dealing with Turkey seemed to regard Turkey as a social and political experiment. Turkey with its particular history and distinct way of modernization became an important case to develop and understand. The USA on its part was trying to be a modern empire, and thus the achievements and failures of Ottomans and Turkey’s transition to a modern-Westernized republic stood as an interesting process that might shed light on the USA’s own goals and experiences. Learning about Turkish case this became important, necessitating both finding and investing in top scholars to study Turkish development. This process, however, became two-sided, as the desire of these new scholars coincided with the desire of American bureaucrats. This reciprocity brought out some complex results that no one could easily predict. Erken’s book is an important and valuable contribution, especially to understand American assumptions and intentions in dealing with Turkey. However, the question how Turkish scholars and bureaucrats received the American enterprise in Turkey is still open to research.
{"title":"Celal Nuri: young Turk modernizer and Muslim nationalist","authors":"Erdem Sönmez","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2093109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2093109","url":null,"abstract":"second step or level one should also recognize a civilizational perspective and standpoint. From the very beginning, American enterprise concentrated not on narrow American interests but conveying Western values and perceptions to a Muslim country. Thus the social scientists, economists, businesspeople, and politicians who cooperated with the Rockefeller or Ford Foundations were not mere agents of American interests in Turkey but the agents of Westernization. However, this level of analysis is also not adequate. In the third level, especially revealed in the activities of John Marshall, the American endeavor had a two-sided dimension. American bureaucrats dealing with Turkey seemed to regard Turkey as a social and political experiment. Turkey with its particular history and distinct way of modernization became an important case to develop and understand. The USA on its part was trying to be a modern empire, and thus the achievements and failures of Ottomans and Turkey’s transition to a modern-Westernized republic stood as an interesting process that might shed light on the USA’s own goals and experiences. Learning about Turkish case this became important, necessitating both finding and investing in top scholars to study Turkish development. This process, however, became two-sided, as the desire of these new scholars coincided with the desire of American bureaucrats. This reciprocity brought out some complex results that no one could easily predict. Erken’s book is an important and valuable contribution, especially to understand American assumptions and intentions in dealing with Turkey. However, the question how Turkish scholars and bureaucrats received the American enterprise in Turkey is still open to research.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"640 - 642"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82079440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-05DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2106131
M. Arısan
ABSTRACT This article explores how notions of conservative populism animate Turkish foreign policy. It explicates the construction of the ‘us’ and ‘them’ in conservative populism and how it became the dominant or hegemonic discourse of the AKP regime. While demonstrating various aspects of the peculiar conservative populism, the paper will try to point out the specific governmental ethos that conservative populism generates in the case of the AKP. By emphasizing how conservative populism is intermingled with Turkish-Islamist ideology, the paper explores the background of the AKP’s pro-active and assertive foreign policy as well as the devastating effects of the de-institutionalization of the bureaucratic state structure and decision-making mechanisms.
{"title":"Populism, victimhood and Turkish foreign policy under AKP rule","authors":"M. Arısan","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2106131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2106131","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores how notions of conservative populism animate Turkish foreign policy. It explicates the construction of the ‘us’ and ‘them’ in conservative populism and how it became the dominant or hegemonic discourse of the AKP regime. While demonstrating various aspects of the peculiar conservative populism, the paper will try to point out the specific governmental ethos that conservative populism generates in the case of the AKP. By emphasizing how conservative populism is intermingled with Turkish-Islamist ideology, the paper explores the background of the AKP’s pro-active and assertive foreign policy as well as the devastating effects of the de-institutionalization of the bureaucratic state structure and decision-making mechanisms.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"681 - 700"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75373494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-05DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2107339
Umut Uzer
{"title":"Figures that speak: the vocabulary of Turkish nationalism","authors":"Umut Uzer","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2107339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2107339","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"197 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79815063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-28DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2100699
A. Serdar
ABSTRACT In the last several years, the AKP government in Turkey has granted exceptional citizenship to more than 200,000 Syrian refugees and 19,000 foreign investors, mostly from the Middle East. This study defines the AKP’s recent policy of granting exceptional citizenship as an illiberal inclusion, which is a mode of neoliberal and particularistic inclusion without extending the eligibility and rights of regular migrants and refugees. By means of exceptional citizenship, the AKP transforms the politics of granting particularistic access to Turkish citizenship, from one characterized by an ethno-religious inclusion towards another defined by more explicit religious inclusion entangled with its neo-Ottomanist domestic and foreign policy goals. The study also suggests that the current state of granting exceptional citizenship is intermingled with the AKP’s authoritarian neoliberalism, and the structural centralization of executive power under the current presidential system.
{"title":"An illiberal inclusion? The AKP’s politics of exceptional citizenship","authors":"A. Serdar","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2100699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2100699","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the last several years, the AKP government in Turkey has granted exceptional citizenship to more than 200,000 Syrian refugees and 19,000 foreign investors, mostly from the Middle East. This study defines the AKP’s recent policy of granting exceptional citizenship as an illiberal inclusion, which is a mode of neoliberal and particularistic inclusion without extending the eligibility and rights of regular migrants and refugees. By means of exceptional citizenship, the AKP transforms the politics of granting particularistic access to Turkish citizenship, from one characterized by an ethno-religious inclusion towards another defined by more explicit religious inclusion entangled with its neo-Ottomanist domestic and foreign policy goals. The study also suggests that the current state of granting exceptional citizenship is intermingled with the AKP’s authoritarian neoliberalism, and the structural centralization of executive power under the current presidential system.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"53 1","pages":"51 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81249724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-25DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2022.2103409
Ali Burak Güven
ABSTRACT Political economists investigating Turkey's turbulent path in recent years predominantly work from within three different characterizations of Turkish capitalism: authoritarian neoliberalism, crony capitalism, and state capitalism. This article critically reviews these competing visions and identifies directions for future research. I argue that, fundamental differences aside, these approaches together illustrate the indispensability of a political economy perspective for comprehending Turkey’s current predicament, in particular its authoritarian turn and ongoing systemic crisis. Yet meeting the potential of this research program also requires resisting rigid macro conceptualizations and aiming instead for empirically rich analyses of nuts-and-bolts phenomena such as changes in the class map, sectoral regimes, and challenges of development, with a view to identifying feasible strategies of renewal post-AKP.
{"title":"Towards a New Political Economy of Turkish Capitalism: Three Worlds","authors":"Ali Burak Güven","doi":"10.1080/14683849.2022.2103409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2022.2103409","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political economists investigating Turkey's turbulent path in recent years predominantly work from within three different characterizations of Turkish capitalism: authoritarian neoliberalism, crony capitalism, and state capitalism. This article critically reviews these competing visions and identifies directions for future research. I argue that, fundamental differences aside, these approaches together illustrate the indispensability of a political economy perspective for comprehending Turkey’s current predicament, in particular its authoritarian turn and ongoing systemic crisis. Yet meeting the potential of this research program also requires resisting rigid macro conceptualizations and aiming instead for empirically rich analyses of nuts-and-bolts phenomena such as changes in the class map, sectoral regimes, and challenges of development, with a view to identifying feasible strategies of renewal post-AKP.","PeriodicalId":47071,"journal":{"name":"Turkish Studies","volume":"456 1","pages":"177 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78290696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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