Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/00221856231212221
Michael Garry Quinlan
The past two decades witnessed rapidly growing interest in psychosocial hazards at work. The paper overviews the state of knowledge of psychosocial hazards, demonstrating they have long existed, are present in virtually all work settings but seem to becoming more prevalent due to changes in work and society over the past four decades. A number of models seeking to explain psychosocial hazards are critically examined. It is argued there a number of superior alternatives to the currently dominant model–the Job Demands Resources (JDR) model–and these models are more closely aligned to areas of interest to industrial relations. It argues that the combination of several models or a new model based on their strengths could provide both a better understanding of the underlying causes of psychosocial hazards and in turn inform more effective interventions. Drawing on the last point the final sections of the paper consider industry, NGO and union interventions to address psychosocial hazards and the evolving regulatory framework. The paper argues for historically informed industrial relations (IR) perspective using superior models to better understand and address psychosocial hazards.
{"title":"Psychosocial hazards: An overview and industrial relations perspective","authors":"Michael Garry Quinlan","doi":"10.1177/00221856231212221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231212221","url":null,"abstract":"The past two decades witnessed rapidly growing interest in psychosocial hazards at work. The paper overviews the state of knowledge of psychosocial hazards, demonstrating they have long existed, are present in virtually all work settings but seem to becoming more prevalent due to changes in work and society over the past four decades. A number of models seeking to explain psychosocial hazards are critically examined. It is argued there a number of superior alternatives to the currently dominant model–the Job Demands Resources (JDR) model–and these models are more closely aligned to areas of interest to industrial relations. It argues that the combination of several models or a new model based on their strengths could provide both a better understanding of the underlying causes of psychosocial hazards and in turn inform more effective interventions. Drawing on the last point the final sections of the paper consider industry, NGO and union interventions to address psychosocial hazards and the evolving regulatory framework. The paper argues for historically informed industrial relations (IR) perspective using superior models to better understand and address psychosocial hazards.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139221542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1177/00221856231191259
Xavier St-Denis
The article Employment stability and decent work published in the Journal of Industrial Relations by Murphy and Turner presents evidence forming the basis of a claim that job instability has not increased in Ireland between 1998 and 2021. This contrasts with a rich literature in industrial relations and the sociology of work and organizations, which documents the fundamental transformation of employment relationships since the 1990s toward greater insecurity. In this response paper, I question the empirical foundations of Murphy and Turner's claims. Analyzing the same data set used in their study, I provide clear evidence that an increase in job instability consistent with the precarious work literature has been hiding in plain sight. I also engage with their efforts at theorizing the nature of the recent transformation of employment relationships in Ireland specifically, and in Liberal Market Economies more broadly. In doing so, I suggest research avenues that go beyond a polarized debate in whether or not job instability has increased in order to contribute to a more complex understanding of contemporary changes in career trajectories.
墨菲和特纳在《劳资关系杂志》(Journal of Industrial Relations)上发表的一篇文章《就业稳定与体面工作》(Employment stability and decent work)提供的证据构成了以下说法的基础:1998年至2021年期间，爱尔兰的工作不稳定性没有增加。这与大量关于劳资关系和工作与组织社会学的文献形成对比，这些文献记录了自20世纪90年代以来雇佣关系的根本转变，越来越不安全。在这篇回应文章中，我对墨菲和特纳主张的实证基础提出了质疑。通过分析他们研究中使用的相同数据集，我提供了明确的证据，证明与不稳定工作文献一致的工作不稳定性的增加一直隐藏在人们的视线中。我还参与了他们在理论化爱尔兰最近就业关系转变的性质方面的努力，以及更广泛的自由市场经济。在此过程中，我建议研究途径超越工作不稳定性是否增加的两极分化辩论，以有助于更复杂地理解当代职业轨迹的变化。
{"title":"The brave new world of unstable jobs hiding in plain sight: A reply to Murphy and Turner","authors":"Xavier St-Denis","doi":"10.1177/00221856231191259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231191259","url":null,"abstract":"The article Employment stability and decent work published in the Journal of Industrial Relations by Murphy and Turner presents evidence forming the basis of a claim that job instability has not increased in Ireland between 1998 and 2021. This contrasts with a rich literature in industrial relations and the sociology of work and organizations, which documents the fundamental transformation of employment relationships since the 1990s toward greater insecurity. In this response paper, I question the empirical foundations of Murphy and Turner's claims. Analyzing the same data set used in their study, I provide clear evidence that an increase in job instability consistent with the precarious work literature has been hiding in plain sight. I also engage with their efforts at theorizing the nature of the recent transformation of employment relationships in Ireland specifically, and in Liberal Market Economies more broadly. In doing so, I suggest research avenues that go beyond a polarized debate in whether or not job instability has increased in order to contribute to a more complex understanding of contemporary changes in career trajectories.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"86 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135863654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.1177/00221856231204996
Francisca Gutiérrez Crocco, Claudia Jordana
Union leaders dedicate a significant amount of their time to unions, and in some cases, their entire life. Scholarly literature has made great progress in identifying the individual and mesolevel variables that explain how this type of union participation begins and continues. Yet it has paid little attention to the role played by the national industrial relations system in these processes. Drawing on the concept of “union career,” this article shows that the national regulations and the union power shape the characteristics and development of union leaders’ participation. Based on an in-depth interview program, a survey and a review of the press in Chile, it examines how neoliberal reforms implemented since 1979 changed the resources and opportunities available to workers to assume, manage, and maintain union positions.
{"title":"Becoming a union leader in an unfavorable industrial relations system","authors":"Francisca Gutiérrez Crocco, Claudia Jordana","doi":"10.1177/00221856231204996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231204996","url":null,"abstract":"Union leaders dedicate a significant amount of their time to unions, and in some cases, their entire life. Scholarly literature has made great progress in identifying the individual and mesolevel variables that explain how this type of union participation begins and continues. Yet it has paid little attention to the role played by the national industrial relations system in these processes. Drawing on the concept of “union career,” this article shows that the national regulations and the union power shape the characteristics and development of union leaders’ participation. Based on an in-depth interview program, a survey and a review of the press in Chile, it examines how neoliberal reforms implemented since 1979 changed the resources and opportunities available to workers to assume, manage, and maintain union positions.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135482248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-03DOI: 10.1177/00221856231204486
Rasmus Lind Ravn, Laust Høgedahl
In the fields of labour market research and industrial relations research, there is increasing interest in post-colonial societies and the labour market outcomes of indigenous peoples. However, existing research has generally underexplored the Greenlandic labour market. This is particularly true for factors associated with the Greenlandic Inuit population's employment outcomes. In this article, we investigate barriers and potentials for labour market participation in Greenland, focusing on individual-level factors that promote or inhibit the likelihood of being employed. We use a unique, nationally representative survey of the working-age population and explore these factors through a series of logistic regression analyses. We find that educational attainment, positive self-assessed health, and the number of people in the household were positively related to employment. Our most important findings and contributions are that respondents who answered the survey in Greenlandic were less likely to be employed compared to those who answered it in Danish. Furthermore, if a respondent was born in Greenland, compared to being born in Denmark, it lowers the likelihood of being employed. We interpret this disparity as evidence of an ethnically segregated labour market with indications of discrimination.
{"title":"Employment in a post-colonial society – The case of Greenland","authors":"Rasmus Lind Ravn, Laust Høgedahl","doi":"10.1177/00221856231204486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231204486","url":null,"abstract":"In the fields of labour market research and industrial relations research, there is increasing interest in post-colonial societies and the labour market outcomes of indigenous peoples. However, existing research has generally underexplored the Greenlandic labour market. This is particularly true for factors associated with the Greenlandic Inuit population's employment outcomes. In this article, we investigate barriers and potentials for labour market participation in Greenland, focusing on individual-level factors that promote or inhibit the likelihood of being employed. We use a unique, nationally representative survey of the working-age population and explore these factors through a series of logistic regression analyses. We find that educational attainment, positive self-assessed health, and the number of people in the household were positively related to employment. Our most important findings and contributions are that respondents who answered the survey in Greenlandic were less likely to be employed compared to those who answered it in Danish. Furthermore, if a respondent was born in Greenland, compared to being born in Denmark, it lowers the likelihood of being employed. We interpret this disparity as evidence of an ethnically segregated labour market with indications of discrimination.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135695962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/00221856231201768
Jacques Wels, Natasia Hamarat, Vanessa De Greef
Union representatives were surveyed throughout Belgium between August and December 2021 through an online questionnaire ( N = 469) to assess the relationship between trade union representatives’ perception of social dialogue quality and change in workers’ physical and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic. We use a modified Poisson regression for binary outcomes controlling for company characteristics, pre-pandemic self-reported health and pandemic-related measures. A total of 30.1% of the sample reported the social dialogue quality has deteriorated during the pandemic. Relative risks (RRs) of poor physical and mental health when social dialogue has worsened are 1.49 (95%CI (95% confidence interval) = 1.03; 2.15) and 1.38 (95%CI = 1.09; 1.74). Controlling for pandemic-related measures slightly reduces the risk of both poor mental (RR = 1.25; 95%CI = 0.84; 1.87) and physical health (RR = 1.18; 95%CI = 0.94; 1.49). Although based on self-reported variables, the study shows an association between poor social dialogue quality and health and underlines the need to look at company-level collective negotiation.
{"title":"Social dialogue quality and workers’ health as perceived by Belgian trade union representatives during the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"Jacques Wels, Natasia Hamarat, Vanessa De Greef","doi":"10.1177/00221856231201768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231201768","url":null,"abstract":"Union representatives were surveyed throughout Belgium between August and December 2021 through an online questionnaire ( N = 469) to assess the relationship between trade union representatives’ perception of social dialogue quality and change in workers’ physical and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic. We use a modified Poisson regression for binary outcomes controlling for company characteristics, pre-pandemic self-reported health and pandemic-related measures. A total of 30.1% of the sample reported the social dialogue quality has deteriorated during the pandemic. Relative risks (RRs) of poor physical and mental health when social dialogue has worsened are 1.49 (95%CI (95% confidence interval) = 1.03; 2.15) and 1.38 (95%CI = 1.09; 1.74). Controlling for pandemic-related measures slightly reduces the risk of both poor mental (RR = 1.25; 95%CI = 0.84; 1.87) and physical health (RR = 1.18; 95%CI = 0.94; 1.49). Although based on self-reported variables, the study shows an association between poor social dialogue quality and health and underlines the need to look at company-level collective negotiation.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135817202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-20DOI: 10.1177/00221856231201776
Luuk Voncken, Simon Otjes
In response to membership decline, trade unions have attempted a number of revitalization strategies. One of these is political campaigning. If used as a revitalization strategy, political campaigns are not just employed because the union desires a specific policy outcome but also as a way to convince new members to join the union. Drawing from the literature on both union revitalization and interest group strategies more in general, we seek to explain why some unions attempt this revitalization strategy where others do not. We use a controlled comparison of two trade union federations in the same country facing the same membership pressures to determine which factor or factors contribute to using this strategy. One trade union organized a campaign to increase the minimum wage specifically to boost its membership (the #Voor14 campaign), while the other did not. On the basis of interviews with key actors in both unions, we identify a key factor in determining union strategic choices: some groups risk their relations with the government and employers to gain more power at the negotiation table, while others believe that expanding membership is not worth risking the relations with the government and employers.
{"title":"“Without union power, there is no way of pursuing your policy goals”: when do labor unions use political mobilization as a revitalization strategy?","authors":"Luuk Voncken, Simon Otjes","doi":"10.1177/00221856231201776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231201776","url":null,"abstract":"In response to membership decline, trade unions have attempted a number of revitalization strategies. One of these is political campaigning. If used as a revitalization strategy, political campaigns are not just employed because the union desires a specific policy outcome but also as a way to convince new members to join the union. Drawing from the literature on both union revitalization and interest group strategies more in general, we seek to explain why some unions attempt this revitalization strategy where others do not. We use a controlled comparison of two trade union federations in the same country facing the same membership pressures to determine which factor or factors contribute to using this strategy. One trade union organized a campaign to increase the minimum wage specifically to boost its membership (the #Voor14 campaign), while the other did not. On the basis of interviews with key actors in both unions, we identify a key factor in determining union strategic choices: some groups risk their relations with the government and employers to gain more power at the negotiation table, while others believe that expanding membership is not worth risking the relations with the government and employers.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136308223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00221856231198305
Sue Williamson, Cameron Roles
In 2022, Australia's Labor Opposition pledged to reintroduce collective bargaining covering the whole Australian public service (APS) if elected. The elected Labor government is now implementing this ground-breaking reform. The APS has, since 1997, bargained at the agency level with no mandated common terms and conditions of employment applying across the service. This has led to pay dispersion and inequity, and fragmentation of the terms and conditions of employment. The current negotiations aim to rectify this situation. We argue that these reforms represent an ideological shift and a repudiation of New Public Management (NPM) towards a public value approach, which also incorporates being a model employer. We consider whether this refocusing will overcome the problems inherent in the system of bargaining practised under an NPM framework. We examine some of the most important items being negotiated at the time of writing, namely, wages, job security, flexible working, paid parental leave and paid family and domestic violence leave. We conclude that the new approach will overcome the legacy of the previous bargaining system to benefit individuals and the APS as a whole. We further conclude that this public value approach substantially fulfils the government's ideal of becoming a model employer.
{"title":"Collective bargaining in the Australian public service: From New Public Management to public value","authors":"Sue Williamson, Cameron Roles","doi":"10.1177/00221856231198305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231198305","url":null,"abstract":"In 2022, Australia's Labor Opposition pledged to reintroduce collective bargaining covering the whole Australian public service (APS) if elected. The elected Labor government is now implementing this ground-breaking reform. The APS has, since 1997, bargained at the agency level with no mandated common terms and conditions of employment applying across the service. This has led to pay dispersion and inequity, and fragmentation of the terms and conditions of employment. The current negotiations aim to rectify this situation. We argue that these reforms represent an ideological shift and a repudiation of New Public Management (NPM) towards a public value approach, which also incorporates being a model employer. We consider whether this refocusing will overcome the problems inherent in the system of bargaining practised under an NPM framework. We examine some of the most important items being negotiated at the time of writing, namely, wages, job security, flexible working, paid parental leave and paid family and domestic violence leave. We conclude that the new approach will overcome the legacy of the previous bargaining system to benefit individuals and the APS as a whole. We further conclude that this public value approach substantially fulfils the government's ideal of becoming a model employer.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"65 1","pages":"435 - 450"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47939909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00221856231197516
Sharlene Leroy-Dyer
Collective bargaining is the foundation for democracy in the workplace, and a mechanism for ensuring workers in Australia have improved working conditions whilst striving to reduce inequality. Collective bargaining offers potential to improve democratic workplace participation and socio-economic status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, however, if done ineffectively can further entrench inequality. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander workplace issues need to be at the forefront of bargaining. In the Higher Education sector, collective agreements with universities cover the majority of employees and are negotiated by the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU). The NTEU uses its bargaining power within the university sector to establish Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment targets and other targeted provisions within enterprise agreements. These targets and other provisions aim to increase Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander representation on campus, ensure fair and equitable working conditions and challenge entrenched inequality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander workers within their universities. The NTEU has for over 20 years advocated for and won Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment clauses in enterprise agreements. The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Policy Committee, under the direction of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander members has pushed for these for the benefit of all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples employed or yet to be employed in the higher education sector. The increase in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment in universities has and continues to be driven by NTEU.
{"title":"Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment provisions within enterprise agreements in Australian universities, the role of the National Tertiary Education Union and collective bargaining","authors":"Sharlene Leroy-Dyer","doi":"10.1177/00221856231197516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231197516","url":null,"abstract":"Collective bargaining is the foundation for democracy in the workplace, and a mechanism for ensuring workers in Australia have improved working conditions whilst striving to reduce inequality. Collective bargaining offers potential to improve democratic workplace participation and socio-economic status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, however, if done ineffectively can further entrench inequality. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander workplace issues need to be at the forefront of bargaining. In the Higher Education sector, collective agreements with universities cover the majority of employees and are negotiated by the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU). The NTEU uses its bargaining power within the university sector to establish Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment targets and other targeted provisions within enterprise agreements. These targets and other provisions aim to increase Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander representation on campus, ensure fair and equitable working conditions and challenge entrenched inequality for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander workers within their universities. The NTEU has for over 20 years advocated for and won Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment clauses in enterprise agreements. The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Policy Committee, under the direction of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander members has pushed for these for the benefit of all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples employed or yet to be employed in the higher education sector. The increase in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment in universities has and continues to be driven by NTEU.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"65 1","pages":"451 - 471"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44948428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00221856231198156
Anthony Forsyth, Shae McCrystal
2022 was a year of major change in the legal framework for industrial relations in Australia. Newly elected in May 2022, the Albanese ALP Government immediately commenced an ambitious reform agenda for labour relations, convening a National Jobs and Skills Summit in September 2022, and shortly thereafter achieving the passage of the Fair Work Legislation Amendment ( Secure Jobs, Better Pay) Act 2022 (SJBP Act). One central aim of the SJBP Act was to address shortcomings in the legal framework for collective bargaining found in the Fair Work Act 2009 (FW Act), and to this end, the amendments introduced new provisions for multi-employer bargaining, made changes to the agreement approval provisions and changed the bargaining landscape around intractable disputes. This article examines key aspects of the SJBP Act impacting collective bargaining in Australia. In particular, we consider the new provisions for multi-employer bargaining in the ‘Single Interest Employer Bargaining’ stream along with amendments of the FW Act relating to the commencement of bargaining for single-enterprise agreements, agreement-making using small voting cohorts, the resolution of intractable bargaining disputes, applications to terminate enterprise agreements, and the sunsetting of the so-called ‘zombie’ agreements. This analysis of the new legal provisions is situated in the context of recent union campaigns and bargaining disputes at various Australian employers, enabling us to explain the rationale for the amendments and assess their practical utility and limitations.
{"title":"The potential impact of the Fair Work Amendment (Secure Jobs, Better Pay) Act 2022 on collective bargaining in Australia: Reviewing the new multi-employer bargaining provisions and other measures to promote bargaining","authors":"Anthony Forsyth, Shae McCrystal","doi":"10.1177/00221856231198156","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231198156","url":null,"abstract":"2022 was a year of major change in the legal framework for industrial relations in Australia. Newly elected in May 2022, the Albanese ALP Government immediately commenced an ambitious reform agenda for labour relations, convening a National Jobs and Skills Summit in September 2022, and shortly thereafter achieving the passage of the Fair Work Legislation Amendment ( Secure Jobs, Better Pay) Act 2022 (SJBP Act). One central aim of the SJBP Act was to address shortcomings in the legal framework for collective bargaining found in the Fair Work Act 2009 (FW Act), and to this end, the amendments introduced new provisions for multi-employer bargaining, made changes to the agreement approval provisions and changed the bargaining landscape around intractable disputes. This article examines key aspects of the SJBP Act impacting collective bargaining in Australia. In particular, we consider the new provisions for multi-employer bargaining in the ‘Single Interest Employer Bargaining’ stream along with amendments of the FW Act relating to the commencement of bargaining for single-enterprise agreements, agreement-making using small voting cohorts, the resolution of intractable bargaining disputes, applications to terminate enterprise agreements, and the sunsetting of the so-called ‘zombie’ agreements. This analysis of the new legal provisions is situated in the context of recent union campaigns and bargaining disputes at various Australian employers, enabling us to explain the rationale for the amendments and assess their practical utility and limitations.","PeriodicalId":47100,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Industrial Relations","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135298604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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